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Reseña de: González, A.M. (2021) El claroscuro catalán. Nación, emoción e identidad en el proceso independentista. Editorial Rialp, 154 pp.

This paper examines the prevailing conflict framings of national (El País and El Mundo) and Catalan (La Vanguardia and El Periódico de Cataluña) newspapers in response to the management of the regional independence conflict (2010-2014). For this, a new conflict framing typology was developed, based on level of substantivity. The study has verified that territorial origin affects, but does not determine, the media's definition of the conflict and its preference for specific territorial models. The alignment between parties and the media appears to be the variable that best explains the orientation (pro-independence, constitutionalist, or federalist) of each newspaper. We have also verified the media's action as a polarizing agent based on territorial model preferences.

La actividad sedera no existía en la ciudad de Manresa en el siglo XVII y tuvo un extraordinario desarrollo en el siglo XVIII. La constitución del gremio de tejedores de velos fue una consecuencia de la actividad. El artículo se enmarca en el debate sobre el retorno gremial y frente al dilema de modernización o retraso provocado por los gremios, defiende que es la especificidad del contexto y las características de la actividad productiva las que modelan el gremio y que este está al servicio de los intereses de los miembros que forman parte de él.

Este artículo, analiza las cuatro principales asociaciones catalanas de La Habana desde una perspectiva multifuncional: benéfico-asistencial, cultural, económica y, sobre todo, política. A partir de las primeras décadas del siglo XX, en estas asociaciones se impusieron las consideraciones de tipo político, dejando en un segundo plano el resto de objetivos. Unas defendieron un proyecto nacionalista, reclamando mayor autonomía para Cataluña, y otras, se posicionaron abiertamente en un nacionalismo radical que condujera a la independencia de España. Todas ellas conformaron un entramado asociativo complejo e interrelacionado con otras sociedades catalanas de diferentes partes de Cataluña y América. A partir de 1932, fueron perdiendo fuerza económica y política conllevando a la disolución de casi todas, hasta el punto de que una tras otra fueron desapareciendo.

Secessionist (also called, nationalist, or pro-independence) political parties exist in many countries in the developed world; they raise—and then spend—a lot of money, win votes in elections, and their elected officials serve in seats in local, regional, and national parliaments. Yet, despite all of this effort, there has not been a successful case of secession since 1921 when the Irish Free State effectively seceded from the United Kingdom (UK). Perhaps the biggest issue is that these secessionist political parties have rarely been popular enough to form a government even amongst their core ethnic group. This is further compounded by the fact that secessionist parties have historically been unable to win support from immigrants or people outside their core ethnic and/or linguistic group. Given this context, four central questions are posed in this study including: whether—and also why—any of the secessionist parties have transitioned from ethnic-based to civic-based policy platforms? Why have these secessionist parties not yet achieved independence? And, what role does the European Union (EU) play in facilitating or deterring secession in independence-seeking regions within member states? This study examines three different cases—Flanders in Belgium, Scotland in the UK, and Catalonia in Spain—to investigate how secessionist political parties are approaching the issue of independence. All of the cases are different with respect to history, governmental structure, and economic situation. Yet all of the cases are similar in some ways—they are close to the same size (in terms of population), operate within mature democratic political systems, have distinct secessionist political parties, and all reside within member states of the EU. Categorically, in all cases, there are also shared influences of the ability of the region to secede: institutions, interests, and ideas.

El presente artículo es una breve aproximación al contexto legal y político de las comunidades judías catalanas entre 1240 y 1391. A través del uso combinado de fuentes hebreas y cristianas, se ofrecerá una síntesis de la compleja red de factores, reglas y teorías que moldearon el ecosistema social de las comunidades hebreas en Cataluña. En este sentido, el autogobierno comunal era el resultado de la convergencia entre la legislación real y la producción normativa y teórica de las comunidades. Nuestro objetivo es presentar el carácter poliédrico de esta realidad a través de los privilegios concedidos por los monarcas aragoneses a sus súbditos judíos, los modelos políticos desarrollados por los intelectuales hebreos, la legislación interna de las comunidades y el conjunto de factores sociales e históricos que impulsaron la evolución del sistema comunal.

This study analyses the current state of media education in Catalonia, its strengths and weaknesses, and the challenges it faces. In-depth interviews with five specialists and six teachers and educators were carried out. This qualitative approach offers key first-hand insight into the definition of the term ‘media education’; the relationship between media education and ethical journalism; core elements any media education programme should include, along with content, tools and guidelines for teachers; the level of expertise and training of teachers and specialists; the importance of student access to media education initiatives; and the challenges of media literacy. Results show that media literacy includes the ability to read and understand media languages and to create audiovisual messages independently and maturely, and to take certain ethical principles into consideration; and that the media companies should take their responsibilities seriously, since it is they that create images and role models that have a great impact on children and teenagers – while children and teenagers, on the other hand, demonstrate a very positive response to media literacy initiatives. The specialists and educators interviewed have different levels of training and have been involved in a variety of projects. They note that key challenges for media literacy include lack of interest from the authorities, lack of training among teachers, and the need for incentivisation and easy-access resources for educators.

In this reference, Buffery and Marcer cover all of the areas historically inhabited by the Catalan people. These are, in order of size and population: Catalonia, which accounts for over half of the population of the Catalan-speaking areas, Valencia, with over a third the Balearic Islands with just under 8 percent, and the Catalunya Nord, the Principality of Andorra, and the Catalan-speaking areas within Aragon, Murcia, and Alghero.The Historical Dictionary of the Catalans deals not only with the people who live in Catalonia, but with the language and culture of the Catalan countries as well. This is done through a chronology, an introductory essay, a bibliography, and over 600 cross-referenced dictionary entries on significant persons, places, events, institutions, and aspects of culture, society, economy, and politics.