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On October 23, 1956, a popular uprising against Soviet rule swept through Hungary like a force of nature, only to be mercilessly crushed by Soviet tanks twelve days later. Only now, fifty years after those harrowing events, can the full story be told. This book is a powerful eyewitness account and a gripping history of the uprising in Hungary that heralded the future liberation of Eastern Europe. Paul Lendvai was a young journalist covering politics in Hungary when the uprising broke out. He knew the government officials and revolutionaries involved. He was on the front lines of the student protests and the bloody street fights and he saw the revolutionary government smashed by the Red Army. In this riveting, deeply personal, and often irreverent book, Lendvai weaves his own experiences with in-depth reportage to unravel the complex chain of events leading up to and including the uprising, its brutal suppression, and its far-reaching political repercussions in Hungary and neighboring Eastern Bloc countries. He draws upon exclusive interviews with Russian and former KGB officials, survivors of the Soviet backlash, and relatives of those executed. He reveals new evidence from closed tribunals and documents kept secret in Soviet and Hungarian archives. Lendvai's breathtaking narrative shows how the uprising, while tragic, delivered a stunning blow to Communism that helped to ultimately bring about its demise. One Day That Shook the Communist Worldis the best account of these unprecedented events.

In Human on the Inside,Gary Garrison gives us the personal stories of those caught up in the correctional system, showing us the humanity of those on the inside and the difference volunteers can make in the lives of prisoners.

InMaking Sense of War,Amir Weiner reconceptualizes the entire historical experience of the Soviet Union from a new perspective, that of World War II. Breaking with the conventional interpretation that views World War II as a post-revolutionary addendum, Weiner situates this event at the crux of the development of the Soviet--not just the Stalinist--system. Through a richly detailed look at Soviet society as a whole, and at one Ukrainian region in particular, the author shows how World War II came to define the ways in which members of the political elite as well as ordinary citizens viewed the world and acted upon their beliefs and ideologies. The book explores the creation of the myth of the war against the historiography of modern schemes for social engineering, the Holocaust, ethnic deportations, collaboration, and postwar settlements. For communist true believers, World War II was the purgatory of the revolution, the final cleansing of Soviet society of the remaining elusive \"human weeds\" who intruded upon socialist harmony, and it brought the polity to the brink of communism. Those ridden with doubts turned to the war as a redemption for past wrongs of the regime, while others hoped it would be the death blow to an evil enterprise. For all, it was the Armageddon of the Bolshevik Revolution. The result of Weiner's inquiry is a bold, compelling new picture of a Soviet Union both reinforced and enfeebled by the experience of total war.

Informal connections play an important role in regimes all across the world, but among China's political elite, it is particularly factional affiliation that is said to structure contention over who will rule and who will fall victim to a purge. This article identifies two approaches to measuring factional ties in the literature: the exploratory approach traces alliance ties through qualitative assessment of insider sources, while the structured approach uses publicly available data to infer factions from shared characteristics. The article combines the two by arguing that informal politics is better conceptualized as a process of alliance formation shaped by an underlying social (network) structure. Among the structured approaches, coworker networks best capture the latter, but this can be further refined by noting the number of instances of working together, or by taking into account promotions that have occurred while the two individuals were coworkers.

By exploring the composition of the Chinese Communisty Party's Central Committee since the 1990s, we analyze why state-owned enterprises reform has fallen into a partial reform equilibrium. We argue that two hypotheses, the interest group hypothesis and the adaptive power-sharing hypothesis, should be combined to fully comprehend the partial reform equilibrium symptom.

Several thousand Indonesians were in China on 1 October 1965, when six senior military officers were killed in Jakarta by the Thirtieth of September Movement (G30S) in a putsch blamed upon the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). The event changed the lives of Indonesians—in China and in their homeland—irrevocably. This article examines the impact of bilateral state relations upon the fate of those Indonesian political exiles in China and assesses the role of the Beijing-based leadership of the PKI (known as the Delegation of the Central Committee) as it attempted to manage the party in exile. Oral and written accounts by individual exiles are drawn upon to illustrate the broader community experience and trauma of exile, which was particularly harsh during the Cultural Revolution. The fate of the Indonesian exiles during this tempestuous period of Chinese politics was exacerbated by the failure of the delegation and, ultimately, by the exiles’ eventual rejection by the Chinese state.

The persistence of Old Style in the liturgical practice of local Orthodox churches is one of the most pressing religious problems of the 20th century. In the 1920s, the Bolsheviks, who seized power in Russia, tried to accelerate calendar reform in the Russian Orthodox Church. The dependence of the Soviet civil calendar on the church calendar, on the days of its fixed and moving holidays and their recalculation from the Old to the New Style, seemed cumbersome and unacceptable to the Bolsheviks. This article presents the results of a study of the unsuccessful experience of introducing the New Style into liturgical use during the difficult period of state–church relations, when the Russian Orthodox Church was headed by Patriarch Tikhon (1917–1925). The activities in the implementation of the calendar reform of special government bodies—the Anti-Religious Commission under the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) (RCP (b))–All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) (ACP (b)) and the VI department of the GPU–OGPU Secret Division, which relied on representatives of the renovationist church schism loyal to the Bolsheviks—are considered. The history of resistance to the forced Gregorian calendar on the part of the clergy and believers who remained faithful to Patriarch Tikhon is traced. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the decisions made by High Hierarch Tikhon on this issue, in the arsenal of means of pressure on whom the key place was occupied by the threat of repression against supporters of the Julian style and the resumption of criminal prosecution of the patriarch himself. It has been established that, in addition to the combination of holidays in the civil and church calendars necessary for the Bolsheviks, the recognition of the new style also contributed to another, no less important goal for the authorities: an even greater deepening of the renovationist church schism and the emergence of new strife and discord in the Russian Orthodox Church.

War is Not Healthy for Children and Other Living Things

The article discusses Soviet record production and export strategies to the West in the 1950s as part of the cultural Cold War. While the treaty framework for cultural exchange between the Soviet Union and Western States enabled Soviet musicians to perform for Western audiences and thus increased the demand for Russian and Soviet music on the global market, the Soviet economy was neither able to provide records of a sufficient quality for foreign trade nor to satisfy national demand fueled by the regime’s shift towards consumerism after Stalin’s death. The dependency on Western companies as transmitters of Russian and Soviet music became the subject of various discussions between the Central Committee, the Ministry of Culture and the Ministry of Foreign Trade. By analysing these discussions the article reveals changing attitudes within top state and party structures towards the necessity of technical modernization and the participation of the Soviet Union in the global music market.

Purpose In human history, poverty for most and prosperity for few is the norm. Thus, no theory or practice of common prosperity has been developed. Marxism first formulated the theory of common prosperity, and the classical Marxist authors conducted theoretical exploration on the issue of common prosperity, forming a series of scientific conclusions. Design/methodology/approach The century-long practical history of the Communist Party of China (CPC) is the great practice of leading the Chinese people in getting rid of poverty, letting some people and regions get rich first and ultimately achieving the goal of common prosperity. Findings Common prosperity is the great practice of the CPC that leads all Chinese people in building a modern socialist country in an all-round way in the new era. Originality/value The path of common prosperity with Chinese characteristics will certainly arise in the process of the great practice of common prosperity with Chinese characteristics. Based on the anti-poverty theory and the \"spirit of poverty alleviation\" from the battle against poverty with Chinese characteristics, the theory of common prosperity and its spirit with Chinese characteristics will certainly be formed. The above conclusions constitute the basic principles of the theory of common prosperity with Chinese characteristics.