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21 result(s) for "Cheney, Richard B. Influence."
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The co-presidency of Bush and Cheney
The Bush administration is out but the American public continues to suffer from its disastrous domestic and foreign policies. In this excellently documented work, presidential scholar Shirley Anne Warshaw offers an in-depth analysis and exploration of the political maneuvering that got us into our current mess. Combining her study of the motivations of both Dick Cheney and George W. Bush, knowledge of the spheres in which they operated, and personal interviews with White House staff and Washington insiders, Warshaw demonstrates that these complementary conservatives were nothing less than co-presidents. Breaking with popular sentiment, she denies that Bush's authority was hijacked or stolen. Bush, rather, focused on building what he called a moral and civil society, anchored by a war on science and by the proliferation of faith-based programs, while allowing Cheney to lead in business and foreign policy. Warshaw highlights Cheney's decades-long career in Washington and his familiarity with its inner workings to present a complete picture of this calculating political powerhouse who continues to capture headlines. From Cheney's unprecedented merging of the vice president's office into the president's to his abhorrence of what he deemed congressional interference in the president's ability to do his job, Warshaw paints an intriguing, and at times frightening, portrait.
The Contemporary Presidency: Cheney, Vice Presidential Power, and the War on Terror
This essay explores the relationship between the war on terror, the rise in presidential power, and the unprecedented nature of the Dick Cheney vice presidency, which is generally recognized as America's most influential vice presidency. Whereas historically the second office often had been dismissed as too feeble, the Cheney vice presidency sometimes was attacked as too robust. Although the events of 9/11 and the subsequent war on terror certainly contributed in important ways to the rise of presidential and vice presidential power during the presidency of George W. Bush, both developments were under way and would have occurred, although differently, had al-Qaeda never attacked the United States. The author attributes Cheney's influential vice presidency in large part to a confluence of factors relating to Bush and Cheney that predated 9/11. The essay suggests that these factors produced a unique vice presidency that, for most of Cheney's tenure, allowed Cheney to escape conventional sources of vice presidential accountability.
The Vice Presidency Grows Up
The US vice presidency has emerged from the shadows and has become a post of major influence and importance in its own right. Richard Cheney will play an enhanced role in new administration because of the depth and breadth of his political experience.
Daisy Chain Of Cheneys
[...] Jason Horowitz reported in The Washington Post that Mary Cheney, the younger daughter of the former vice president, is starting a consulting firm modeled on Kissinger Associates. Since it involves the Cheneys, it's shrouded in unnecessary secrecy.
The imperial vice presidency Will Cheney be held accountable?
For example, the executive order empowers a vice president to classify information \"in the performance of executive duties.\" It says he may delegate certain powers \"in the performance of executive duties.\" It exempts from mandatory de-classification review material that he classifies \"in the performance of executive duties,\" and it specifically defines his power to originate security classifications as a function of his \"performance of executive duties.\" An artful blend of both is not beyond possibility. In a story in Saturday's Los Angeles Times, [George W. Bush] spokesman Tony Fratto defended [Dick Cheney], although in the process of doing so, he raised the possibility that the president sometimes is content to govern by brain wave: \"Let's be very clear,\" Fratto said. \"This executive order was issued by the president, and he knows what his intentions were. . . . It does take a little bit of inference.\" Although previous presidents have felt obliged to convert their intentions into words for official documents, the essence of Fratto's comment is undeniable: Cheney is defying an order issued by the president, not a law or a provision of the Constitution. Bush can correct the situation with the stroke of his pen. In this sense, at least, the focus on Cheney's chutzpah is mostly political piffle.
Top G.O.P. Donors in Energy Industry Met Cheney Panel
Interviews and task force correspondence demonstrate an apparent correlation between large campaign contributions and access to Mr. Cheney's task force. Of the top 25 energy industry donors to the Republican Party before the November 2000 election, 18 corporations sent executives or representatives to meet with Mr. Cheney, the task force chairman, or members of the task force and its staff. The companies include the Enron Corporation, the Southern Company, the Exelon Corporation, BP, the TXU Corporation, FirstEnergy and Anadarko Petroleum. As part of a series of meetings organized by oil industry trade groups, the chairman of Anadarko Petroleum, Robert Allison, along with a handful of other executives, saw Mr. Cheney on Feb. 8, 2001. The 14th biggest donor to the Republican Party, Anadarko called for opening federal lands to greater oil and gas exploration and production, a cause it has championed for years. No energy company contributed more to the Republican Party than Enron: $1.7 million in individuals' contributions, soft money donations and contributions from its political action committee. Enron appeared to have the most access to the task force. David S. Addington, counsel to Mr. Cheney, said in January that Enron executives had six meetings with the task force in 2001. Five were with staff members, on Feb. 22, March 7, April 9, Aug. 7 and Oct. 10. In the sixth meeting, on April 17, Kenneth L. Lay, the former Enron chairman, met with Mr. Cheney to discuss energy policy and the California energy crisis.
Cheney's Enigmatic Influence
\"What has defined the OVP since Scooter left is listlessness,\" says one [Cheney] ally. \"For 18 months, it was defined by its torpidity. That was deeply distressing\" to Cheney's conservative supporters, who feared that [Bush] had become captive to overly cautious advice from his senior military commanders, Gen. John Abizaid and Gen. George Casey. This month's change in Iraq policy, in which Bush turned away from the patient strategy his military commanders had advocated, may have marked a return of Cheney's influence. But insiders caution that it's a mistake to see Cheney as some kind of puppet master on Iraq policy and that the key decisions have been made by Bush himself. \"Over the years, he got tired of suffering fools,\" says one longtime Cheney friend. \"He thinks it's all BS.\" This contempt for Washington developed when Cheney was a top White House aide in the Ford administration during the cacophony that followed Watergate, this friend says, and it ripened when he made enough money as chief executive of Halliburton that he didn't have to care what people in Washington thought. The danger is that in encouraging Bush to ignore polls and even elections, Cheney has helped set up a confrontation between Congress and the executive branch that could undermine any hope of achieving a bipartisan approach on Iraq.