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Cognitive biases, such as adversarial allegiance, can compromise expert witness evaluations and contribute to wrongful convictions. Therefore, the application of debiasing strategies is essential. The Analysis of Competing Hypotheses (ACH) has been proposed as a potential method to reduce such bias, although empirical support remains limited. The present study investigated the effectiveness of the ACH method in mitigating adversarial allegiance in a sample of mock expert witnesses for credibility assessments. In an online experiment, 159 participants with prior knowledge in credibility assessments reviewed a summary of a child sexual abuse case. Before reviewing the case material, participants were randomly assigned to one of three retaining party conditions: defense, accessory prosecution, or court. Next, half of the participants were instructed to apply the ACH method which includes the systematic comparison of alternative hypotheses within a matrix. Meanwhile the control group was instructed to follow the standard approach in credibility assessments in Germany, which includes the evaluation and falsification of alternative hypotheses, albeit in a less structured way than the ACH method. Outcomes were assessed using credibility ratings and an Evidence Score, the latter reflecting the extent to which participants weighed evidence in favor of their retaining party or evaluated information more evenly. No significant differences emerged in credibility ratings across conditions. However, adversarial allegiance was evident in the Evidence Score: defense-retained participants emphasized evidence undermining the statement’s credibility more than those retained by the accessory prosecution. At the same time, the application of the ACH method did not significantly influence credibility ratings or evidence selection. Overall, these findings suggest that the ACH method may have limited utility as a debiasing strategy in the context of credibility assessments and underscore the challenges of mitigating bias in forensic decision-making.

An intern is left alone with a nurse to interview and examine a child rape victim. Months later, the perpetrator’s attorney uses the trainee’s inexperience to get his client exonerated.

David Finkelhor examines initiatives to prevent child sexual abuse, which have focused on two primary strategies—offender management and school-based educational programs. Recent major offender managment initiatives have included registering sex offenders, notifying communities about their presence, conducting background employment checks, controlling where offenders can live, and imposing longer prison sentences. Although these initiatives win approval from both the public and policy makers, little evidence exists that they are effective in preventing sexual abuse. Moreover, these initiatives, cautions Finkelhor, are based on an overly stereotyped characterization of sexual abusers as pedophiles, guileful strangers who prey on children in public and other easy-access environments and who are at high risk to re-offend once caught. In reality the population is much more diverse. Most sexual abusers are not strangers or pedophiles; many (about a third) are themselves juveniles. Many have relatively low risks for re-offending once caught. Perhaps the most serious shortcoming to offender management as a prevention strategy, Finkelhor argues, is that only a small percentage of new offenders have a prior sex offense record that would have involved them in the management system. He recommends using law enforcement resources to catch more undetected offenders and concentrating intensive management efforts on those at highest risk to re-offend. Finkelhor explains that school-based educational programs teach children such skills as how to identify dangerous situations, refuse an abuser's approach, break off an interaction, and summon help. The programs also aim to promote disclosure, reduce self-blame, and mobilize bystanders. Considerable evaluation research exists about these programs, suggesting that they achieve certain of their goals. Research shows, for example, that young people can and do acquire the concepts. The programs may promote disclosure and help children not to blame themselves. But studies are inconclusive about whether education programs reduce victimization. Finkelhor urges further research and development of this approach, in particular efforts to integrate it into comprehensive health and safety promotion curricula. Finkelhor also points to evidence that supports counseling strategies both for offenders, particularly juveniles, to reduce re-offending, and for victims, to prevent negative mental health and life course outcomes associated with abuse.

The review deals with the controversy surrounding the use of highly realistic dolls with a child-like appearance. It summarizes recent empirical findings and provides an overview of the different legal and ethical perspectives on this issue. Countries use different legal approaches to regulate the use or sale of child-like sex dolls. Although a causal link is assumed by some legislators between the prohibition of such dolls and the protection of children from sexual abuse, empirical studies do not support this causality. The imposition of bans will hinder empirical research on the potential use of alternative sexual outputs for people with paraphilic disorders.

This study examined age differences in 299 preschoolers' responses to investigative interviewers' questions exploring the suspected occurrence of child abuse. Analyses focused on the children's tendencies to respond (a) at all, (b) appropriately to the issue raised by the investigator, and (c) informatively, providing previously undisclosed information. Linear developmental trends characterized all types of responding. When the types of prompts were considered, 3-to 4-year-olds responded slightly more informatively to specific (directive) recall prompts than to open-ended prompts whereas children aged 5 and older were more responsive to open-ended recall prompts. The findings suggest that even 3-year-olds can provide information about experienced events when recall processes are activated, although the ability to provide narrative responses to openended recall prompts only becomes reliable later in development.

Child sexual abuse continues to be a problem aggravated by difficulty of detection. The aim of this study was to compare intra-familial (IF) and extra-familial (EF) child sexual abuse cases in search of differential variables that may allow for better intervention and prevention. A sample of 221 forensic/legal cases (44.8% IF and 55.2% EF) dealing with children between 3 and 18 years of age (75% female) was analysed. IF sexual abuse was significantly more likely to occur more than once (p = .000; OR = 6.353), with greater delay in its revelation (>1 year OR = 8.132), and with younger victims (9.05 vs. 11.45; p = .000). Intellectual disability was more prevalent among EF victims (p = .017; OR = 3.053). There was a higher proportion of reconstructed families, more legal records, and more histories of domestic violence among IF sexual abuse families. Even among EF cases, 78% of abusers were known to the victims, and in around 80% of all cases the abuse was reported by a family member. Results point to the need for further development of detection programs in schools, police or health contexts since reporting by professionals is scarce.

The CBCA is the most commonly used deception detection technique worldwide. Pezdek et al. (2004) used a quasi-experimental design to assess children's accounts of a traumatic medical procedure; CBCA ratings were higher for descriptions of familiar than unfamiliar events. This study tested this effect using an experimental design and assessed the joint effect of familiarity and veracity on CBCA ratings. Children described a true or a fabricated event. Half described a familiar event; half described an unfamiliar event. Two CBCA-trained judges rated transcripts of the descriptions. CBCA scores were more strongly influenced by the familiarity than the actual veracity of the event, and CBCA scores were significantly correlated with age. CBCA results were compared with results from other measures. Together with the results of K. Pezdek et al. (2004) these findings suggest that in its current form, CBCA is of limited utility as a credibility assessment tool.

The Child Advocacy Center (CAC) model has been presented as the solution to many of the problems inherent in responses by authorities to child sexual abuse. The lack of referral to therapeutic services and support, procedurally flawed and potentially traumatic investigation practices, and conflict between the different statutory agencies involved are all thought to contribute to low conviction rates for abuse and poor outcomes for children. The CAC model aims to address these problems through a combination of multidisciplinary teams, joint investigations, and services, all provided in a single child friendly environment. Using a systematic search strategy, this research aimed to identify and review all studies that have evaluated the effectiveness of the approach as a whole, recognizing that a separate evidence base exists for parts of the approach (e.g., victim advocacy and therapeutic responses). The review found that while the criminal justice outcomes of the model have been well studied, there was a lack of research on the effect of the model on child and family outcomes. Although some modest outcomes were clear, the lack of empirical research, and overreliance on measuring program outputs, rather than outcomes, suggests that some clarification of the goals of the CAC model is needed.

Within the US, children and adolescents who engage in sexually abusive behavior are often subjected to sex offender registration and notification requirements, which contribute to stigmatization and forfeiture of their civil rights without empirical basis (Lancaster, 2011; Pickett et al., 2023; Zilney & Zilney, 2009). To date, 39 states subject children with adjudicated sexual offenses to sex offender registration requirements, with most recent estimates revealing that approximately 200,000 youth have been placed on sex offender registries within the US and many are now on the registry as adults (Pickett et al., 2020). This severe response—by both members of the public and policymakers—toward children who engage in inappropriate sexual behavior is imposed upon children and adolescents with adjudicated sexual offenses in an effort to meet goals of reducing sexual violence and increasing community safety. Within the current discourse, we review the history of registration and notification practices for adolescents with sexual offenses, describe what registration and notification policies entail, and then present empirical and theoretical evidence of the harmful outcomes associated with implementation of registration and notification requirements for sexual offenses. Thus, the predominant aim of this discourse is to encourage thoughtful and critical examination of registration and notification policies and their iatrogenic impacts.