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\"Combining transcultural and comparative approaches, the essays collected here exemplify the best work being done in the emerging field of German-Asian studies. Here, a range of specialists examine the varied, multi-faceted ties between not only the various German states and China over the past two centuries, but also the more personal nature of such relationships during this important period in both these countries' histories. They cover a range of topics including economics, geography, history, human rights, philosophy, literature, politics, and religion. For the first time, they offer the reader a unique look at the role that each of these subjects played in developing what is today a very unique relationship between two of the world's most important political and economic powers\"-- Provided by publisher.

A comprehensive collection of essays that challenges orientalist notions by proposing East and West as complementary elements of global culture Provides a new perspective on the complex international relationships in Asian German studies The study encourages a move beyond a national approach to cultural studies Employs a wide range of approaches from postcolonial, globalization, media, and gender studies.

Germany’s overseas colonial empire was relatively short lived, lasting from 1884 to 1918. During this period, dramatically different policies were enacted in the colonies: in Southwest Africa, German troops carried out a brutal slaughter of the Herero people; in Samoa, authorities pursued a paternalistic defense of native culture; in Qingdao, China, policy veered between harsh racism and cultural exchange. Why did the same colonizing power act in such differing ways? In The Devil’s Handwriting, George Steinmetz tackles this question through a brilliant cross-cultural analysis of German colonialism, leading to a new conceptualization of the colonial state and postcolonial theory. Steinmetz uncovers the roots of colonial behavior in precolonial European ethnographies, where the Hereros were portrayed as cruel and inhuman, the Samoans were idealized as “noble savages,” and depictions of Chinese culture were mixed. The effects of status competition among colonial officials, colonizers’ identification with their subjects, and the different strategies of cooperation and resistance offered by the colonized are also scrutinized in this deeply nuanced and ambitious comparative history.

Um 1912 war China noch kein modernes Land, aber mit der Xinhe-Revolution wurde die erste Republik auf dem chinesischen Boden gegruendet. Das Studium der Chinesen im Ausland, insbesondere im modernen europaeischen und amerikanischen Laendern, bildete einen wichtigen Schritt fuer die gesellschaftliche Entwicklung Chinas. Der Tranfer der neuen Wissenschaften nach China war von grosser Bedeutung fuer die Wissenschaften sowie fuer die Gesellschaft. Die Hauptfaecher der chinesischen Studenten vor 1912 in Deutschland war Militaer, Ingenieurwissenschaften, Jura. Von 1912 bis 1919 waren 21 Chinesen an der Technischen Hochschule Berlin und 33 an der Universität Berlin immatrikuliert. Von den 33 Personen, die an der Universität Berlin studiert hatten, studierten 13 Rechts- und Staatswissenschaften, 4 Geisteswissenschaften, 7 Naturwissenschaften und 1 war unbekannt. Anders als in der späten Qing-Dynastie studierten 8 von ihnen Medizin. 22 Werkstudenten (davon 2 Mädchen) gingen um 1921 mit der Finanzierung von Siemens nach Berlin Deutschland, um dort gleichzeitig ein Praktikum in der Fabrik zu absolvieren. Nach dem Ende des Krieges in Europa kam es zu einer Wiederbelebung des Studiums ausländischer Studenten in Deutschland. Nach dem Berliner Polizeiregister gab es allein in Berlin im März 1926 508 Chinesen, im Dezember 1926 487 und 1930 468. Nach der Gruendung der Tschiang Kai-schek Regierung in Nanking 1928 kam es zu einer besser regulierten Kontrolle des Auslandsstudiums der Chinesen. Laut Statistik betrug zwischen 1929 und 1936 das Verhältnis der öffentlich finanzierten Studierenden zu den privat finanzierten Studierenden in Deutschland etwa 1: 5. Die meisten chinesischen Studenten in Deutschland waren Selbstzahler, so war es auch natuerlich, dass die meisten Studenten Medizin hier in Deutschland Studieren. Von 1907 bis 1962 veröffentlichten die Chinesen 1.574 Doktorarbeiten in Kontinentaleuropa. Von den 732 Doktorarbeiten, die im gleichen Zeitraum in Deutschland veröffentlicht wurden, entfielen 154 auf den Bereich der Geisteswissenschaften (nur 21% der Gesamtzahl), die restlichen 79% auf den Bereich der Naturwissenschaften.Unter den chinesischen Absolventen von den deutschen Hochschulen gab es viele Personen, die spaeter als Rektor der chinesischen Hochschulen taetig waren, sie foederten die Modernisierung der chineischen Wissenschaften sowie die der Gesellschaft. Viele Absolventen nahmen an dem Anti-Japanischen Krieg teil und leisteten grossen Beitrag zu der Selbstaendigkeit von China. Die chinesischen Kommunisten in Deutschland uebten auch grossen Einfluss in China aus.

Reports that Chancellor Helmut Kohl might discuss detention of U.S. citizen Harry Wu in China during meeting with Jiang Zemin.

To Germany's political opposition, the Government's readiness to juggle contracts and human rights smacked of scandal. \"The Stalin of China is not wanted in Germany,\" the Green Party said in a statement. While the United States has imposed an embargo on Iran because of Teheran's purported support for terrorism, Bonn favors a policy called \"critical dialogue,\" which avoids confrontation, permits German companies to maintain trade ties and, in theory, enables German politicians to talk to Iranian leaders about changing their ways. Both Britain and France have strained relations with Beijing. China, by contrast, terms its ties with Bonn \"excellent,\" and that, some commentators say, puts Germany in a position to exert influence where the United States cannot.

What surprised the visitors, however, was how quickly Mr. Li dropped those issues and jumped right into business: Power projects that need foreign capital, China's plans for buying and building new passenger aircraft, the giant Three Gorges Dam project. \"He made it very, very clear that he had no intention of letting these huge diplomatic disputes affect the economic relationship,\" said C. Fred Bergsten, a prominent economist and adviser to the Clinton Administration, who was along on the trip. \"It was as if we were talking about two completely separate relationships.\" These days America's economic stake in China's future is far too large to leave to the vicissitudes of diplomatic relations, especially when Japanese and German competitors are hardly about to pull out of the country every time the Chinese jail another 100 dissidents. Yet \"commercial diplomacy\" -- a term once enthusiastically used by some in the Administration to describe engaging the Chinese in economic development, the arena they are most focused on -- has so far done nothing to modify China's political behavior. Just the opposite: Mr. Li is betting that the United States is not willing to lose deals with McDonnell Douglas and Ford in the name of protecting human rights. Jeffrey Garten, the Undersecretary of Commerce for International Trade, is among the many officials who say that while there is little political leverage in the commercial ties to China now, the power equation will change. \"Over the next decade, our links could easily expand geometrically.\" he said. \"By that time a new generation will be leading China, and their interests in economic prosperity for China are likely to rank much higher in terms of China's international priority. It may be a gamble, but it is the best shot we have.\"

According to German newspapers, Chinese officials told Mr. Bork that he was being expelled because he had \"attacked personalities of the People's Republic\" and \"negatively influenced German public opinion about China.\" Mr. Bork said he believed that the Chinese authorities had not forgiven him for what they saw as his role in provoking disruptions of last year's visit to Germany by Prime Minister Li Peng. \"We made clear, very clear, what we think of this decision, and we tried to reverse it,\" Mr. Kinkel said. \"Unfortunately we had no success.\" \"China hurts itself with steps like this,\" said Karl-Heinz Hornhues, chairman of the parliamentary committee on foreign affairs. \"It is a great mistake to believe that this is the way to get favorable coverage.\"