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"Chinese nationalism"
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Hong Kong Anti-colonial Nationalism during the Chinese Language Campaign
The study of Hong Kong identity has traditionally been positioned in a local–national dichotomy, where Hong Kong identity is viewed primarily as a local identity while the label of national identity is reserved for identification with the Chinese nation. Hong Kong nationalism, on the other hand, is generally considered a new phenomenon, the study of which has focused predominantly on the political activities in the post-handover period. Drawing on Partha Chatterjee's theory of anti-colonial nationalism, this paper seeks to broaden the understanding of Hong Kong nationalism by examining the nationalistic sentiments manifested during the Chinese language campaign (1964–1971). This paper draws on archival materials to shed light on the presence of anti-colonial nationalism in colonial Hong Kong, an aspect often overlooked or considered a mere extension of Chinese nationalism from mainland China. This paper also discusses the distinctions between anti-colonial nationalism in Hong Kong and Chinese nationalism, highlighting the intricate nature of the concept of Chineseness.
Journal Article
Nationalism on Weibo: Towards a Multifaceted Understanding of Chinese Nationalism
It appears that nationalism has been on the rise in China in recent years, particularly among online communities. Scholars agree that the Chinese government is facing pressure from online nationalistic and pro-democracy forces; however, it is believed that of the two, nationalistic views are the more dominant. Online nationalism is believed to have pushed the Chinese government to be more aggressive in diplomacy. This study challenges this conventional wisdom by finding that online political discourse is not dominated by nationalistic views, but rather by anti-regime sentiments. Even when there is an outpouring of nationalist sentiment, it may be accompanied by pro-democracy views that criticize the government. By analysing more than 6,000 tweets from 146 Chinese opinion leaders on Weibo, and by decomposing nationalistic discussion by specific topic, this study shows that rather than being monolithically xenophobic, nationalists may have differing sets of views regarding China's supposed rivals. Rather than being supportive of the regime, nationalists may incorporate liberal values to challenge the government. Nonetheless, this liberal dominance appears to provoke a backlash of nationalism among certain groups. 近年来，民族主义情绪看似在中国网络空间节节走高。学者们认为互联网给中国政府带来了民族主义的压力，并促使政府在外交上日趋铁腕。然而，本研究发现，民族主义情绪并非网络政治话语的主导部分。即便在其泛滥之时，民族主义情绪也可能与自由主义意见相结合，并对政府提出批评。本研究对 146 名微博意见领袖共计 6000 余条微博进行了内容分析，并将民族主义讨论拆解为不同的话题进行比较。我们发现，民族主义者并不是站在统一战线的仇外主义者，反而对所谓中国的敌手抱有不同的好恶; 同时，民族主义者并不是无条件拥护政府，反而有可能吸纳自由派的意见来质疑政府的权威。然而，强势的自由主义却也在一定程度上引发反噬，在某些网络群体中激发了爱国主义和民族主义情绪。
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Embracing 'Asia' in China and Japan : Asianism discourse and the contest for hegemony, 1912-1933
This book examines how Asianism became a key concept in mainstream political discourse between China and Japan and how it was used both domestically and internationally in the contest for political hegemony. It argues that, from the early 1910s to the early 1930s, this contest changed Chinese and Japanese perceptions of?Asia?, from a concept that was foreign-referential, foreign-imposed, peripheral, and mostly negative and denied (in Japan) or largely ignored (in China) to one that was self-referential, self-defined, central, and widely affirmed and embraced. As an ism, Asianism elevated?Asia? as a geographical concept with culturalist-racialist implications to the status of a full-blown political principle and encouraged its proposal and discussion vis-à-vis other political doctrines of the time, such as nationalism, internationalism, and imperialism. By the mid-1920s, a great variety of conceptions of Asianism had emerged in the transnational discourse between Japan and China. Terminologically and conceptually, they not only paved the way for the appropriation of?Asia? discourse by Japanese imperialism from the early 1930s onwards but also facilitated the embrace of Sino-centric conceptions of Asianism by Chinese politicians and collaborators.
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Nurturing Chinese Nationalists: High-School Ideopolitical Education Textbook Narratives (1991–2019)
Following the Tiananmen Incident, the Chinese government began to tighten its grip on education and turn increasingly to nationalism. Understanding the significant impact that education has on shaping lifelong ideology and behavior throughout adolescence, the Chinese government has strategically leveraged ideopolitical education, a highly politicized subject in high schools, to foster nationalism. This study attempts to address the critical knowledge gap concerning diachronic narratives in high-school ideopolitical education textbooks from the 1990s to the present. These narratives are categorized into five themes: (1) the Chinese nation; (2) the superiority of socialism; (3) the notoriety of capitalism; (4) the Century of Humiliation; and (5) the manipulation of and monopoly over common history. These themes potentially fuel nationalism through the two dynamics of “common history” and distinction between the self and other. This study thus sheds light on the Chinese government’s decades-long, consistent endeavor to instill nationalism through high-school ideopolitical education after the Tiananmen Incident.
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The crown and the capitalists : the ethnic Chinese and the founding of the Thai nation
\"Despite competing with much larger imperialist neighbors in Southeast Asia, the Kingdom of Thailand--or Siam, as it was formerly known--has succeeded in transforming itself into a rival modern nation-state over the last two centuries. Recent historiography has placed progress--or lack thereof--toward Western-style liberal democracy at the center of Thailand's narrative, but that view underestimates the importance of the colonial context. In particular, a long-standing relationship with China and the existence of a large and important Chinese diaspora within Thailand have shaped development at every stage. As the emerging nation struggled against colonial forces in Southeast Asia, ethnic Chinese entrepreneurs were neither a colonial force against whom Thainess was identified, nor had they been able to fully assimilate into Thai society. Wasana Wongsurawat demonstrates that the Kingdom of Thailand's transformation into a modern nation-state required the creation of a national identity that justified not only the hegemonic rule of monarchy but also the involvement of the ethnic Chinese entrepreneurial class upon whom it depended. Her revisionist view traces the evolution of this codependent relationship through the twentieth century, as Thailand struggled against colonial forces in Southeast Asia, found itself an ally of Japan in World War II, and reconsidered its relationship with China in the postwar era\"-- Provided by publisher.
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Authoritarian Signaling, Mass Audiences, and Nationalist Protest in China
How can authoritarian states credibly signal their intentions in international crises? Nationalist, antiforeign protests are one mechanism by which authoritarian leaders can visibly demonstrate their domestic vulnerability. Because protests in authoritarian states are risky and costly to repress, the decision to allow or stifle popular mobilization is informative. The threat of instability demonstrates resolve, and the cost of concession increases the credibility of a tough stance. The danger of instability and escalation increases foreign incentives to make concessions and preserve the status quo. This logic helps explain the pattern of authoritarian tolerance and repression toward nationalist protest. A case study of two U.S.-China crises shows how China's management of anti-American protests affected U.S. beliefs about Chinese resolve.
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Public discourses of contemporary China : the narration of the nation in popular literatures, film, and television
\"This book explores the ways the narration of the nation in popular literatures, film, and television gives rise to various public discourses of contemporary China, and defines social subjects such as intellectuals, netizens, media elites, and state-sponsored filmmakers. It argues that these subjects have, to varying degrees, transformed the state project of modernization into their own through mass aestheticization of the nation, whereby postsocialist politics is contingent upon and performative through national aesthetics. By analyzing cultural products from a wide range of media, including the Internet, this book sheds light on the historical significance of nationalism for mass imagination and identification in the less-than-democratic system of China for the past three decades. \"-- Provided by publisher.
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National Humiliation, History Education, and the Politics of Historical Memory: Patriotic Education Campaign in China
This manuscript explores the state's political use of the past and the function of history education in political transition and foreign relations. Modern historical consciousness in China is largely characterized by the \"one hundred years of humiliation\" from mid-1800s to mid-1900s when China was attacked, bullied, and torn asunder by imperialists. This research focuses initially on how such historical memory has been reinforced by the current regime's educational socialization through the national \"Patriotic Education Campaign\" after 1991. It then explores the impact of this institutionalized historical consciousness on the formation of national identity and foreign relations. This study suggests that, even though existing theories and literature illuminate certain aspects of China's political transition and foreign affairs behavior, a full explanatory picture emerges only after these phenomena and actions are analyzed through the \"lenses\" of history and memory.
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