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"Christianity and politics -- United States"
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Religion and American Foreign Policy, 1945–1960
The Cold War was in many ways a religious war. Presidents Truman and Eisenhower and other American leaders believed that human rights and freedom were endowed by God, that God had called the United States to defend liberty, and that Soviet communism was evil because of its atheism and enmity to religion. Along with security and economic concerns, these religious convictions helped determine both how the United States defined the enemy and how it fought the conflict. Meanwhile, American Protestant churches failed to seize the moment. Internal differences over theology and politics, and resistance to cooperation with Catholics and Jews, hindered Protestant leaders domestically and internationally. Frustrated by these internecine disputes, Truman and Eisenhower attempted to construct a new civil religion to mobilize domestic support for Cold War measures, determine the strategic boundaries of containment, unite all religious faiths against communism, and to undermine the authority of communist governments abroad.
eBook
For God and Globe
For God and Globerecovers the history of an important yet largely forgotten intellectual movement in interwar America. Michael G. Thompson explores the way radical-left and ecumenical Protestant internationalists articulated new understandings of the ethics of international relations between the 1920s and the 1940s. Missionary leaders such as Sherwood Eddy and journalists such as Kirby Page, as well as realist theologians including Reinhold Niebuhr, developed new kinds of religious enterprises devoted to producing knowledge on international relations for public consumption.For God and Globecenters on the excavation of two such efforts-the leading left-wing Protestant interwar periodical,The World Tomorrow, and the landmark Oxford 1937 ecumenical world conference. Thompson charts the simultaneous peak and decline of the movement in John Foster Dulles's ambitious efforts to link Christian internationalism to the cause of international organization after World War II.
Concerned with far more than foreign policy, Christian internationalists developed critiques of racism, imperialism, and nationalism in world affairs. They rejected exceptionalist frameworks and eschewed the dominant \"Christian nation\" imaginary as a lens through which to view U.S. foreign relations. In the intellectual history of religion and American foreign relations, Protestantism most commonly appears as an ideological ancillary to expansionism and nationalism.For God and Globechallenges this account by recovering a movement that held Christian universalism to be a check against nationalism rather than a boon to it.
eBook
American Catholic
American Catholic places the rise of the United States'
political conservatism in the context of ferment within the Roman
Catholic Church. How did Roman Catholics shift from being perceived
as un-American to emerging as the most vocal defenders of the
United States as the standard bearer in world history for political
liberty and economic prosperity? D. G. Hart charts the development
of the complex relationship between Roman Catholicism and American
conservatism, and shows how these two seemingly antagonistic
ideological groups became intertwined in advancing a certain brand
of domestic and international politics.
Contrary to the standard narrative, Roman Catholics were some of
the most assertive political conservatives directly after World War
II, and their brand of politics became one of the most influential
means by which Roman Catholicism came to terms with American
secular society. It did so precisely as bishops determined the
church needed to update its teaching about its place in the modern
world. Catholics grappled with political conservatism long before
the supposed rightward turn at the time of the Roe v. Wade
decision in 1973.
Hart follows the course of political conservatism from John F.
Kennedy, the first and only Roman Catholic president of the United
States, to George W. Bush, and describes the evolution of the
church and its influence on American politics. By tracing the roots
of Roman Catholic politicism in American culture, Hart argues that
Roman Catholicism's adaptation to the modern world, whether in the
United States or worldwide, was as remarkable as its achievement
remains uncertain. In the case of Roman Catholicism, the effects of
religion on American politics and political conservatism are
indisputable.
eBook
For god's sake
Looks at how the religious right has gained its influence with America's powerful elite through campaign contributions, lobbying and policy-making. This work argues that the religious 'core values' of middle America have potentially disastrous consequences for the United States and the world in the coming century.
eBook
Decoding the Digital Church
\"This investigation tries to understand why many
Evangelical pastors were blamed for endorsing Trump when, in
fact, most did not. This book joins other attempts by scholars
and journalists to analyze the relationship between Trump and
Evangelicals. Recommended.” —CHOICE As
a political constituency, white conservative evangelicals are
generally portrayed as easy to dupe, disposed to vote against
their own interests, and prone to intolerance and knee-jerk
reactions. In Decoding the Digital Church: Evangelical
Storytelling and the Election of Donald J. Trump, Stephanie A.
Martin challenges this assumption and moves beyond these overused
stereotypes to develop a refined explanation for this
constituency’s voting behavior. This volume offers a fresh
perspective on the study of religion and politics and stems from
the author’s personal interest in the ways her experiences
with believers differ from how scholars often frame this
group’s rationale and behaviors. To address this disparity,
Martin examines sermons, drawing on her expertise in rhetoric and
communication studies with the benefits of ethnographic research
in an innovative hybrid approach she terms a “digital
rhetorical ethnography.” Martin’s thorough research
surveys more than 150 online sermons from America’s largest
evangelical megachurches in 37 different states. Through
listening closely to the words of the pastors who lead these
conservative congregations, Martin describes a gentler discourse
less obsessed with issues like abortion or marriage equality than
stereotypes of evangelicals might suggest. Instead, the
politicaleconomic sermons and stories from pastors encourage true
believers to remember the exceptional nature of the
nation’s founding while also deemphasizing how much
American citizenship really means. Martin grapples with and pays
serious, scholarly attention to a seeming contradiction: while
the large majority of white conservative evangelicals voted in
2016 for Donald J. Trump, Martin shows that many of their pastors
were deeply concerned about the candidate, the divisive nature of
the campaign, and the potential effect of the race on their
congregants’ devotion to democratic process itself.
In-depth chapters provide a fuller analysis of our current
political climate, recapping previous scholarship on the history
of this growing divide and establishing the groundwork to set up
the dissonance between the political commitments of evangelicals
and their faith that the rhetorical ethnography addresses.
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