Explore the vast range of titles available.

Energy constitutes a rich, but underexplored, arena for global governance scholars and policymakers. The world is currently on an unsustainable and conflict-prone track of volatile and unreliable supply of energy fuels, vulnerable infrastructure, massive environmental degradation, and failure to deliver energy services to an enormous proportion of the global population. Changing to a different path will be a monumental global governance endeavor that will require bridging multiple issue areas, regimes, and policy silos. Meeting that challenge will require a greatly expanded research agenda aimed at understanding the institutions, interests, and concerns that do and could shape global energy governance. In this article, we lay out key energy-related global issues and explore some of the connections among them to suggest an initial research agenda for global governance scholars.

The recent political, economic and social histories of Bolivia and Ecuador point to a broader, post-neoliberal trend emerging in Latin America. Presidents Evo Morales and Rafael Correa have closely followed the basic model of twenty-first-century socialism as an alternative to free market capitalism. In theory, both leaders have successfully re-founded their countries with new constitutions that encompass the interests of all sectors of society. In practice, however, we argue that a volatile economic climate, poorly implemented reforms, increased opposition, and low political tolerance all indicate limitations to the viability of twenty-first-century socialism as a post-neoliberal development model.

Teacher’s self-efficacy is a specific phenomenon that can be seen as one of the contributors to the process of learning and effective teaching. Teacher self-efficacy was investigated at two Senior High Schools (SMAN 1 and SMAN 2) in Kendari, and proved its importance in the interest-based classes at senior high schools in Kendari. Findings revealed two major methods employed in the research study: 1) interviews conducted in the form of an open interview with 5 teachers; and 2) observation was focused on teachers teaching materials, classroom management, as well as the enthusiasm of the teacher during the learning process takes place. Based on the finding, this study argues that teachers have high confidence in their ability to teach literature because they ascribe high value to their performance. However, the self-efficacy of teachers did not have an impact when applied in practice. In the classroom observation, these elements generally did not show up. This shows that the dependence of teachers on textbooks is not accompanied by an increase in the ability of teachers to ask questions to the students during the learning process, so that the high self-efficacy of teachers does not produce learning achievement is high. This goal can be achieved by giving more opportunities and experiences for teachers to improve the quality of learning.

This paper tests the hypothesis that there exists increasing clash between declining support to privatization of remaining state and social property, public services, infrastructure and natural resources among majority of respondents in Serbia, on the one hand, and the policy of imposition of privatization by domestic and international social actors interested in ?finalization? of privatization, on the other. The main method of research is secondary analysis of data pertaining to attitudes of representative samples of respondents in Serbia on private property and privatization gathered during surveys conducted in 1989, 2003. and 2012, in local and global social and historical context of accumulation of capital systemic crisis in global proportions. Research demonstrates that scarcity and insufficient comparability of survey data on attitudes towards private property and privatization, as well as ignoring of scarce findings by the decision making power centers, are socially structured by contradictory class interests of domestic and international social actors. In conclusion the author proposes the construction of a common core of a research instrument for longitudinal, on action oriented comparative research of socializing alternatives to privatization and its destructive effects in all sub-systems of social activity, in both former ?real socialist? as well as in present ?real capitalist? societies.

On a rainy evening in October 2011 the authors are sitting in the General Assembly of Occupy London Stock Exchange in the courtyard of St Paul's Cathedral. It is day four of the occupation, which is congregating here under the slogan \"We are the 99 percent\". This is in solidarity with occupations and protests across the globe. In this article, the authors argue that these movements, which have been interpreted as anti-austerity or anti-cuts movements, can be better understood as a response to a crisis of care. This crisis of care is precipitated by the economic crisis and the cuts being forced through by the government in the UK. This crisis of care is also one of political representation: increasing numbers of people are waking up to the fact that the state-capital nexus does not care about them in the sense that it does not promote, protect, or even consider their needs or interests. Adapted from the source document.

The principal thesis of this paper is that under contemporary capitalist globalisation, the so-called international community constitutes more of the problem than the solution in the continent's resource and allied conflicts. We argue that the geo-strategic and geo-political interests of major western and other powers and the transnational capitalist class (TCC), which tend to defend and enhance these interests, have over the past several decades either been the root cause of resource conflicts on the African continent or have fuelled, exacerbated and prolonged them. The almost devotional attitude of the continent's ruling elites to the values and institutions of capitalist globalisation – and its resultant unequal distribution of the gains and pains of market reforms – have equally contributed to resource conflicts. While there is a complex interplay between internal and external factors and actors, on-balance external causation has, by far, dwarfed internal explanations of conflicts. African societies and peoples have thus suffered an unmitigated internationalisation, exploitation and pillage of their rich tropical hardwood, gems, mineral and oil resources. The paper proposes a strategic coalition of victims of capitalist globalisation and capitalist militarisation in Africa and elsewhere (nations, societies, communities and peoples) to systematically confront and oppose the most invidious process that has turned Africa's resource blessing into resource burden. Cette étude défend essentiellement la thèse selon laquelle dans un contexte de mondialisation capitaliste, la soi-disant communauté internationale constitue plutôt un problème que la solution des conflits et autres exactions se déroulant sur le continent pour le contrôle de ses ressources. Il nous semble qu'au cours des nombreuses décennies, les intérêts géostratégiques et géopolitiques des principales puissances occidentales et d'ailleurs et la classe capitaliste transnationale (CCT) qui a tendance à défendre et à revaloriser ces intérêts ont été la cause profonde des conflits pour le contrôle des ressources du continent africain. Elles les ont alimentés, exacerbés ou perpétués. Les élites qui détiennent le pouvoir sur le continent font montre d'une dévotion presque religieuse aux valeurs et aux institutions de la mondialisation capitaliste et la répartition inégale des bienfaits et dégâts résultant de la réforme des marchés ont également aggravé les conflits pour le contrôle des ressources. Même si l'interaction entre facteurs et acteurs internes et externes peut s'avérer complexe, au bout du compte, les causes externes l'emportent de loin sur les justifications internes des conflits. Les sociétés et les peuples africains ont ainsi souffert d'une internationalisation, d'une exploitation et d'un pillage parfaits de leur bois dur tropical, de leurs pierres précieuses et de leurs ressources minérales et pétrolières. Cet article propose donc une coalition stratégique des victimes de la mondialisation capitaliste et de la militarisation capitaliste en Afrique et ailleurs (nations, sociétés, communautés et peuples) pour confronter et s'opposer systématiquement à ce processus on ne peut plus injuste qui a transformé la bénédiction des ressources africaines en fardeau.

Recent anti-neoliberal strategies in Turkey tend to reflect national-developmentalist positions rather than classbased ones. This bias, however, has weakened the struggle against neoliberalism, by reinforcing national competitiveness agendas that increase the intensity of capital accumulation. From the perspective of value theory, this is particularly problematic today as the recent period of capitalism is characterized by predominance of abstract labor as the substance of value, manifested in the increasing dominance of capital over social relationships. In this context, class-based strategies are even more important in the struggle against neoliberalism.

This chapter contains sections titled: Politics as Formalized Institutions Group Politics: Prosopography, Social Power, and Social History Politics as the Site of Class Relations Politics and Legitimate Domination Politics as Inscribed Relations of Power: From Structure to Poststructure Politics as Cultural Performance Ancient Politics as Reflection Further Reading

Neoliberalism is the ideological expression of the return to hegemony of the financial fraction of ruling classes. The meaning of this movement can only be understood from a historical perspective. Modern finance, linked to the real economy, appeared in the wake of the structural crisis of the late nineteenth century. It lost its unrivalled domination, when the Keynesian compromise was ushered in by the succession of the great depression and World War II. Its return to power followed the crisis which began in the 1970s. The class character of neoliberalism is evident from an examination of the available figures. It prolonged the deficient profit rates of non-financial corporations and, thus, slow growth and unemployment. It was responsible for the deficits and the growing indebtedness of the states, as well as for the crisis of the debt of Third World countries, etc. But not enough attention has been paid to the benefits that finance gleaned from its return to hegemony during the crisis: the stunning rise of the profits and growth of the financial sector, only delayed in the US by the banking and thrift crises of the 1980s. It is not that finance organized to minimize its own costs during the crisis. It actually benefited from the crisis in amazing proportions, already during the crisis as in France, or after as in the US financial sector. One should not underestimate the sufferings of the unemployed and homeless, or of Third-world countries. But perhaps the biggest cost stemming from the rise of finance is the increase in the domestic and international instability. Le néolibéralisme est l'expression idéologique du retour d'une fraction des classes dominantes, la finance, à l'hégémonie. On ne peut saisir la logique de ce mouvement qu'en le replaçant dans sa dynamique historique. La finance moderne, liée au système productif, apparut dans le sillage de la crise structurelle de la fin du 19e. Elle dut abandonner sa domination incontestée dans le compromis keynésien provoqué par la succession de la crise de 1929 et de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Sa remontée au pouvoir s'est opérée à la suite de la crise commencée dans les années 1970. Le caractère de classe du néolibéralisme est inscrit, très crûment, dans les chiffres: prolongation de la faiblesse du taux de profit des entreprises non financières, donc de la croissance lente et du chômage, déficits et endettement des États, crise de la dette du tiers-monde, etc. Mais le bénéfice que la finance tira de son hégémonie retrouvée n'est pas suffisamment dénoncé: hausse formidable de son revenu et explosion du secteur financier, seulement différées aux États-Unis du fait de la crise des institutions bancaires et d'épargne pendant les années 1980. Ce n'est pas que la finance s'organisât pour souffrir le moins possible de la crise, mais qu'elle en tira un profit difficilement imaginable, soit pendant la crise, comme en France, ou après, comme dans le secteur financier américain. Sans négliger la misère des chômeurs, des exclus et du tiers-monde, l'instabilité systémique dont la nouvelle hégémonie de la finance est responsable, pourrait s'affirmer comme son principal coût.