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"Clitics"
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Arbitrary SE and accusative clitics in Catalan
This paper is dedicated to co-occurrence restrictions induced by accusative clitics in contexts containing the se marker with arbitrary interpretations. A less discussed pattern from Catalan is scrutinized in detail, through a comparison with Spanish data, which are better studied. Catalan is special in that accusative clitics do not uniformly produce ungrammaticality under arbitrary se: the neuter ho clitic is not acceptable, while the l-clitic, restricted to individuation and/or animacy, is possible. We show that these splits are rooted in the syntax. Individuation and animate accusative clitics contain additional person features which, due to their more extensive possibilities to get licensed, can avoid structural restrictions imposed by the presence of an impersonal/arbitrary structural component in the clausal configuration.
Journal Article
The prosodic structure of Turkish accent patterns
The accent patterns of Turkish have been analyzed in various ways, yet there is still no consensus on their prosodic structure. Focusing on constructions with suffixes, clitics, and auxiliaries, we examine the extent to which the accent patterns must be lexically specified, and how to best represent them. It is shown that the accent patterns are predictable for clitics, mostly predictable for auxiliaries, and less predictable for suffixes. A grid-based approach that encodes ‘accent’ and ‘(un)accentability’ separately is proposed to analyze both the predictable and the unpredictable patterns in a unified way.
Journal Article
Serbian Clitics
This monograph offers a comprehensive formalized description of second-position clitics in standard Serbian from the viewpoint of the Meaning-Text theory, an approach relying on syntactic dependencies and oriented towards speech production, which sets it apart from most contemporary frameworks.
eBook
Brazilian Venetan is going leísta
This paper discusses language variation in heritage languages, focussing on a peculiar use of the dative clitic ghe in Brazilian Venetan, a heritage northern Italo-Romance variety. Corpus data and grammaticality judgments by native speakers showed that, unlike homeland varieties of Venetan, the clitic is used in doubling constructions with both indirect and direct objects. Conversely, accusative clitics do not appear in doubling constructions in Brazilian Venetan, but are limited to cases of resumption of dislocated constituents. This phenomenon is compared to a parallel use of dative clitics with direct objects in some previously described leísta varieties of Spanish. I will show that the type of variation attested in Brazilian Venetan accusative and dative clitics depends on different conditions on cliticisation of the two elements. Specifically, while accusative clitics are pronouns that undergo a morphological process of incorporation, dative clitics are merged as agreement markers on the finite verb. The analysis also captures a diachronic change in the distribution of dative clitics in the diachrony of Venetan.
Journal Article
Structured variation, language experience, and crosslinguistic influence shape child heritage speakers’ Spanish direct objects
This study investigates child heritage speakers’ Spanish direct objects. A task designed to elicit direct objects was completed in Spanish and English by 40 child heritage speakers of Spanish in the U.S., and in Spanish by 24 monolingual children in Mexico. Both participant groups varied their direct object forms, following the same ranking: clitics>lexical NPs>omission>doubling. Animate referents promoted clitics; inanimate referents promoted lexical NPs. Among the heritage speakers, more Spanish experience and Spanish lexical proficiency predicted more clitic use (less omission and lexical NP use). We also argue that the child heritage speakers’ production of strong pronouns, more lexical NPs, and masculine clitic lo with inanimate feminine referents suggest English influence. The study underscores the importance of examining structured variation, which revealed both similarities and differences between heritage and monolingual speakers.
Journal Article
Exploring interface phenomena
In order to choose among different methods when collecting linguistic data, many different factors should be considered. We will argue that the choice of the most appropriate methods depends on whether a construction applies within one linguistic module (e.g. syntax) or whether it applies at the interface of modules (e.g. syntax and information-structure). While Grammaticality Judgement Tasks (GJT) yield unambiguous results when applied to core-grammatical modules, they often produce inaccurate results when applied to interface-phenomena. Thus, GJTs can be used in order to distinguish between the two types of phenomena, however, in order to get reliable results concerning interface phenomena, other methods seem to be more effective – e.g. a Translation Task with elicited primed items. To demonstrate the suitability of these methods for core vs. interface phenomena, we discuss data on dative clitic doubling (an interface phenomenon) in different Spanish varieties and clitic placement and clitic doubling (core and interface phenomena) in Bulgarian Judeo-Spanish.
Journal Article
Tu bells ulls tens he no y vols veure
Catalan verbs like veure-hi (‘see’) and sentir-hi (‘hear’) contain a grammaticalized non-referential oblique hi clitic (Fabra 1891; Todolí 2002; Russi 2008; GIEC 2016: § 18.6.4.4a). This article explores the role of the inherent hi clitic with a group of intransitive perception verbs in Catalan and, secondarily, its equivalent forms in Romance (Occitan, Aragonese, French, Italian and Neapolitan). Firstly, its diachronic origin and grammaticalization process are addressed (Roberts & Roussou 2003; van Gelderen 2011) using corpus data from Old Catalan, Old Occitan and other varieties. It is argued that its origin can be traced back to an instrumental or cause adjunct in centuries 13th in Old Occitan, and 14th in Old Catalan. Secondly, the functional role of the clitic, its expletive status and the syntactic structure of these predicates are discussed. It is shown that two analyses are needed depending on the stage-level or individual-level status of the predicate (Kratzer 1995; Maienborn 2019). In the first case, the non-referential clitic is identified at logical form with an abstract instrument or cause affecting the ability to perceive (Espinal 2009). In the second case, the clitic acts as a commitative/instrumental agreement morpheme.
Journal Article