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The African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) is a framework established by the African Union (AU) to promote peace, security, and stability on the African continent. The architecture comprises various components, including the Peace and Security Council (PSC), the African Standby Force (ASF), and the Panel of the Wise. The APSA's shift from non-interference to non-indifference in conflict resolution has been a subject of debate, with some scholars arguing that the shift is far-fetched. This paper sought to examine the APSA's shift from non-interference to non-indifference and the extent to which this shift has successfully promoted peace and security on the continent. Realism theory was applied in this study and was presented with the principle of Responsibility to Protect (R2P). The interlink between these two approaches is that realism is premised on the assumption that states are competing and advancing their agendas in the global governance arena. Nonetheless, the R2P emphasises that countries must protect their citizens. This research adopted an interpretive paradigm and qualitative approach, employing desk review methods to analyse perspectives, opinions, and recommendations from various qualitative sources, including academic journals, books, and official documents from the AU and the APSA on the shift from non-interference to non-indifference in Africa's peace and security affairs. The article also provided background information on the APSA, including its history and key components. The major findings of the study indicated that the shift to non-indifference is a necessary evil as it proffers more opportunities for citizenry protection, although it comes with its limitations.

Purpose: This article aims to engage in a meaningful discussion of Occidentalism as a discourse that draws its roots from Orientalism. It scrutinizes the limitations of Occidentalism in investigating the East-West encounter from the perspective of Orientals (Arab intellectuals) and the multifarious ways the latter relate to and imagines the Occident. It will cast a critical eye on the multiple and diverse constructions of Occidentalism as a discourse, arguing that unlike Orientalism, which homogenizes the Orient, Occidentalism does not Occidentalize/homogenize the Occident. Methodology: We take as a starting point Edward Said's definition of Orientalism as a style of thought based upon an ontological and epistemological distinction made between 'the Orient' and 'the Occident', and we explore the limitations and the possibilities of Occidentalism as a method to construe the colonial mechanisms of misrepresentation of the Other as everything that is different from the Self. This article compares and contrasts a plethora of existing definitions of Occidentalism as formulated by scholars from both the Arab world and the Occident. Findings: This paper concludes that the Oriental's encounter with the Occident cannot, and should not, be projected as a reverse relationship, or, as some claim, as an 'Orientalism in reverse', but rather as a diverse set of relationships of Orientals who have experienced the Occident in a variety of manners. Furthermore, while Orientalism derives from a particular closeness experienced between the Occident and its Orient, oftentimes through real or imagined encounters, Occidentalism is also the outcome of a long cultural relationship between the Orient and its Occident. What differs between the Orient and Occident, however, is the position of power and hegemony, which characterizes the Occident's encounter with the Orient. Originality: This article takes an all-inclusive view to discuss the term Occidentalism from the perspectives of both the Orient and the Occident. It teases out the limitations of this term and challenges Orientalist methods of misrepresentation, which continue to blemish the Arab world and its discourse of Occidentalism as a discourse of hatred of the Occident. Furthermore, through the discussion of Alloula's Oriental Harem, it offers insight into the suggested Occidentalism method, which emphasizes the disfigurations of the Orient while tactfully writing back to the Occident.

Edgar Allan Poe enjoys an enduring legacy in the United States, with historical landmarks connected to his penmanship and adaptations of his works continuing to appear in print and on screen. Poe proclaims his quest for “originality” in his work “Philosophy of Composition,” and his creative genius empowers him to traverse traditional social and national constraints. Unlike his pro-slavery contemporaries and the Abolitionists, his fiction and poetry introduce racial discourse with subtle discretion and unique autonomy. His gripping command over the literary genre of mystery intertwines the antebellum historical context of race relations into horror stories; cloaked in his ambivalent symbols are the heightened fears of racial violence and rebellion promoted by the institutions of slavery and colonial hegemony. Inspired by his own experience as an orphan and dispossessed child in a patriarchal society, Poe sets up vivid contrasts between the powerful and the disempowered. His plots are layered with allegorical mechanisms and dark images that encapsulate racial diversity and interracial entanglements of his time. Poe’s prophetic vision encompasses the haunting influence of disenfranchised populations and the imminent transformation of the cultural landscape for future generations, giving relevance to his works in the twenty-first century on questions of race relations and social justice.

This study examines how the concept of \"Korean woman\" underwent a radical transformation in Korea's public discourse during the years of Japanese colonialism. Theodore Jun Yoo shows that as women moved out of traditional spheres to occupy new positions outside the home, they encountered the pervasive control of the colonial state, which sought to impose modernity on them. While some Korean women conformed to the dictates of colonial hegemony, others took deliberate pains to distinguish between what was \"modern\" (e.g., Western outfits) and thus legitimate, and what was \"Japanese,\" and thus illegitimate. Yoo argues that what made the experience of these women unique was the dual confrontation with modernity itself and with Japan as a colonial power.

How has historical scholarship fared in Africa? What is the state of decolonization and deconstruction historiography in the production of historical knowledge on the continent? What role does the state play in aiding or undermining historians’ access to official historical data and the production of historical knowledge in postcolonial Africa? This article engages these questions. It harps on the reconstruction of African intellectual history as a daunting postcolonial challenge, and argues that historians on Africa need to engage with and reexamine the development of the discipline of history in Africa in relation to the debates on decolonization and the enterprise of history-writing in the production of historical knowledge and historical scholarship across the continent. This illuminates the understanding of the history of contemporary Africa. It also throws fresh light on the continent’s remote past as a way of establishing its connections with the present. Complementary to the problems of writing the history of contemporary Africa, this work argues that to appreciate and understand the problems of history-writing on Africa, we need to focus on the development and limitations of the discipline across the institutional sites of the universities in postcolonial Africa.

The continuing importance of the Baroque in Spanish and Latin American culture.The Hispanic Baroque is a Janus-faced phenomenon, one of its faces peering at the sunset of feudalism, the other at the dawn of European modernity. This collection of essays seeks to engage with this paradox and its consequencesfor understanding Spanish and Latin American literary and cultural history. Conceived in response to Roberto González Echevarría's influential Celestina's Brood: Continuities of the Baroque in Spain and Latin America, and spanning many years of Beverley's own intellectual trajectory, it includes material already in the public domain, together with much that is new, previously unpublished or long unavailable. An Introduction outlines the ongoing scholarly discussion about the nature of the Baroque in both Spain and Spanish America. The essays deal respectively with Luis de Góngora's Soledades; the picaresque novel; the Baroque pastoral; Gracián's theory of \"wit\" andthe equation of wit and power; and the relation among Baroque writing, colonial hegemony, and the formation of a criollo culture in Spanish America. A section on Baroque historicism suggests some ways of using the Baroqueto reflect on our contemporary situation, and the volume concludes with a wide-ranging conversation about the Baroque and Hispanism between the author and Fernando Gómez Herrero, a young scholar strongly influenced by postcolonialstudies. JOHN BEVERLEY is Professor of Spanish and Latin American Literature and Cultural Studies at the University of Pittsburgh.

The global arena is dominated by the popular conviction that Africans require foreign direction in the socioeconomic management of their own societies. This essay challenges the belief that economic development in contemporary Africa is impeded by bad governance.

01 02 This book applies postcolonial theory to Russia by looking at it as a subaltern empire. It pushes postcolonial studies and constructivist International Relations towards an uneasy dialogue, which produces tensions and reveals multiple blind spots in both approaches. A critical re-evaluation of the existing literature enables the author to produce a comprehensive account of how Russia's position in the international system has conditioned its domestic development, and how this in turn generated specific foreign policy outcomes. Having internalised the Eurocentric worldview, Russia is nevertheless different from the core European countries. This difference is not determined by 'culture', but rather by uneven and combined development of global capitalism, in which Russia is integrated as a semi-peripheral nation. The Russian state has colonised its own periphery on behalf of the Western core, but has never been able to overcome economic and normative dependency on the West. The peculiar dialectic of the subaltern and the imperial during the post-Soviet period has given rise to a regime which claims to defend 'genuine Russian values', while in fact there is nothing behind this new traditionalism but the negation of Western hegemony. Trying to 'defend' the nation from the postulated threat of Western interventionism, the regime engages in a disavowal of politics and thus suppresses popular subjectivity. The only political subject that remains on the horizon of Russian politics is the West, while the Russian people, as any other subaltern, are being spoken for, and thus silenced, by the country's Eurocentric elites and the Western intellectuals. 02 02 Pushing postcolonial studies and constructivist International Relations towards an uneasy dialogue, this book looks at Russia as a subaltern empire. It demonstrates how the dialectic of the subaltern and the imperial has produced a radically anti-Western regime, which nevertheless remains locked in a Eurocentric outlook. 04 02 1. The Postcolonial and the Imperial in the Space and Time of World Politics 2. Russia in/and Europe: Sources of Ambiguity 3. Material Dependency: Postcolonialism, Development and Russia's 'Backwardness' 4. Normative Dependency: Putinite Paleoconservatism and the Missing Peasant 5 The People are Speechless: Russia, the West and the Voice of the Subaltern 6. Conclusion 13 02 Viatcheslav Morozov is Professor of EU-Russia Studies at the University of Tartu. Before moving to Estonia in 2010, he taught for thirteen years at the St Petersburg State University, Russia. He is the author of Russia and the Others: Identity and Boundaries of a Political Communit y and the editor of Decentring the West: The Idea of Democracy and the Struggle for Hegemony .

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While much attention has focused on society, culture, and the military during the Algerian War of Independence, Law, Order, and Empire addresses a vital component of the empire that has been overlooked: policing. Samuel Kalman examines a critical component of the construction and maintenance of a racial state by settlers in Algeria from 1870 onward, in which Arabs and Berbers were subjected to an ongoing campaign of symbolic, structural, and physical violence. The French administration encouraged this construct by expropriating resources and territory, exploiting cheap labor, and monopolizing government, all through the use of force. Kalman provides a comprehensive overview of policing and crime in French Algeria, including the organizational challenges encountered by officers. Unlike the metropolitan variant, imperial policing was never a simple matter of law enforcement but instead engaged in the defense of racial hegemony and empire. Officers and gendarmes waged a constant struggle against escalating banditry, the assault and murder of settlers, and nationalist politics—anticolonial violence that rejected French rule. Thus, policing became synonymous with repression, and its brutal tactics foreshadowed the torture and murder used during the War of Independence. To understand the mechanics of empire, Kalman argues that it was the first line of defense for imperial hegemony. Law, Order, and Empire outlines not only how failings in policing were responsible for decolonization in Algeria but also how torture, massacres, and quotidian colonial violence—introduced from the very beginning of French policing in Algeria—created state-directed aggression from 1870 onward.