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The WHO Access, Watch, and Reserve (AWaRe) antibiotic classification framework aims to balance appropriate access to antibiotics and stewardship. We aimed to identify how patterns of antibiotic consumption in each of the AWaRe categories changed across countries over 15 years. Antibiotic consumption was classified into Access, Watch, and Reserve categories for 76 countries between 2000, and 2015, using quarterly national sample survey data obtained from IQVIA. We measured the proportion of antibiotic use in each category, and calculated the ratio of Access antibiotics to Watch antibiotics (access-to-watch index), for each country. Between 2000, and 2015, global per-capita consumption of Watch antibiotics increased by 90·9% (from 3·3 to 6·3 defined daily doses per 1000 inhabitants per day [DIDs]) compared with an increase of 26·2% (from 8·4 to 10·6 DIDs) in Access antibiotics. The increase in Watch antibiotic consumption was greater in low-income and middle-income countries (LMICs; 165·0%; from 2·0 to 5·3 DIDs) than in high-income countries (HICs; 27·9%; from 6·1 to 7·8 DIDs). The access-to-watch index decreased by 38·5% over the study period globally (from 2·6 to 1·6); 46·7% decrease in LMICs (from 3·0 to 1·6) and 16·7% decrease in HICs (from 1·8 to 1·5), and 37 (90%) of 41 LMICs had a decrease in their relative access-to-watch consumption. The proportion of countries in which Access antibiotics represented at least 60% of their total antibiotic consumption (the WHO national-level target) decreased from 50 (76%) of 66 countries in 2000, to 42 (55%) of 76 countries in 2015. Rapid increases in Watch antibiotic consumption, particularly in LMICs, reflect challenges in antibiotic stewardship. Without policy changes, the WHO national-level target of at least 60% of total antibiotic consumption being in the Access category by 2023, will be difficult to achieve. The AWaRe framework is an important measure of the effort to combat antimicrobial resistance and to ensure equal access to effective antibiotics between countries. US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Artificial intelligence (AI) research and regulation seek to balance the benefits of innovation against any potential harms and disruption. However, one unintended consequence of the recent surge in AI research is the potential re-orientation of AI technologies to facilitate criminal acts, term in this article AI-Crime (AIC). AIC is theoretically feasible thanks to published experiments in automating fraud targeted at social media users, as well as demonstrations of AI-driven manipulation of simulated markets. However, because AIC is still a relatively young and inherently interdisciplinary area—spanning socio-legal studies to formal science—there is little certainty of what an AIC future might look like. This article offers the first systematic, interdisciplinary literature analysis of the foreseeable threats of AIC, providing ethicists, policy-makers, and law enforcement organisations with a synthesis of the current problems, and a possible solution space.

Social distancing interventions can be effective against epidemics but are potentially detrimental for the economy. Businesses that rely heavily on face-to-face communication or close physical proximity when producing a product or providing a service are particularly vulnerable. There is, however, no systematic evidence about the role of human interactions across different lines of business and about which will be the most limited by social distancing. Here we provide theory-based measures of the reliance of U.S. businesses on human interaction, detailed by industry and geographic location. We find that, before the pandemic hit, 43 million workers worked in occupations that rely heavily on face-to-face communication or require close physical proximity to other workers. Many of these workers lost their jobs since. Consistently with our model, employment losses have been largest in sectors that rely heavily on customer contact and where these contacts dropped the most: retail, hotels and restaurants, arts and entertainment and schools. Our results can help quantify the economic costs of social distancing.

ObjectiveGiven the evolving changes in the disposable e-cigarette market, we explore patterns of sales in the USA by e-liquid volume capacity, nicotine strength and real sales-weighted average prices by both e-cigarette unit and volume of e-liquid.MethodologyWe used NielsenIQ retail scanner data from January 2017 to September 2022 to examine changes over time for average product volume capacity in millilitres, nicotine strength (%) and both sales-weighted average price per disposable unit and per millilitre of e-liquid for each 4-week period.ResultsAmong disposable e-cigarettes sold between January 2017 and September 2022, average volume capacity increased 518% from 1.1 mL to 5.7 mL and average nicotine strength increased 294% from 1.7% to 5%. Sales-weighted average price per disposable unit and millilitres of e-liquid both remained relatively constant until January 2020. From January 2020 through September 2022, average unit prices increased 165.7% from US$8.49 to US$14.07, while the average price of 1 mL of e-liquid decreased 69.2% from US$7.96 to US$2.45.ConclusionsThe current regulatory regime around e-cigarettes has resulted in disposable e-cigarette manufacturers providing consumers with bigger, cheaper disposable e-cigarettes that come in increasingly higher nicotine strengths. Tobacco policy recommendations such as restricting e-liquid capacity and minimum price laws as well as regulations on product characteristics that affect nicotine emissions and delivery such as nicotine strength, nicotine output, device power, and puff duration should be considered in regulating the e-cigarette market.

On October 1, 2014, the Chilean government modified its previous sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) tax, increasing the tax rate from 13% to 18% on industrialized beverages with high levels of sugar (H-SSBs) (greater than 6.25 grams [g] sugar/100 milliliters [mL]) and decreasing the tax rate from 13% to 10% on industrialized beverages with low or no sugar (L-SSBs) (less than 6.25 g sugar/100 mL). This study examines changes in beverage prices and household beverage purchases following the implementation of the tax reform. We used longitudinal data collected between January 1, 2013, and December 31, 2015, from 2,000 households. We defined the pretax period as January 1, 2013, to September 30, 2014, and the posttax period as October 1, 2014, to December 31, 2015. We conducted a pre-post analysis for changes in prices and purchases, with the latter examined by volume and calories. We compared posttax changes in prices and purchases to a counterfactual, defined as what would have been expected in the posttax period based on pretax trends. All results are stated as comparisons to this counterfactual. We linked beverages at the bar code level to nutrition facts panel data collected by a team of Chilean nutritionists who categorized them by taxation level and beverage subcategory, which included carbonated and noncarbonated H-SSBs and concentrated, ready-to-drink L-SSBs and untaxed beverages. We reconstituted concentrated beverages and analyzed all beverages using as-consumed volumes and calories. Posttax monthly prices of H-SSBs increased, but these changes were small. Prices of carbonated H-SSBs increased by 2.0% (95% confidence interval [CI] 1.0%-3.0%), while those of noncarbonated H-SSBs increased by 3.9% (95% CI 1.6%-6.2%). Prices of L-SSB concentrates decreased after the tax by 6.7% (95% CI -8.2%--4.6%), and prices of ready-to-drink L-SSBs increased by 1.5% (95% CI 0.3%-2.7%). Households decreased monthly per capita purchases of H-SSBs by 3.4% by volume (95% CI -5.9%--0.9%) and 4.0% by calories (95% CI -6.3%--1.9%), and this change was greater among high socioeconomic status (SES) households. The volume of household purchases of L-SSBs increased 10.7% (95% CI 7.5%-13.9%), while that of untaxed beverage purchases decreased by 3.1% (95% CI -5.1%--1.1%). The main limitation of this study was that there was no control group, so we were unable to assess the causal impact of the tax. The modifications of Chile's SSB tax were small, and observed changes in prices and purchases of beverages after the tax were also small. Our results are consistent with previous evidence indicating that small increases in SSB taxes are unlikely to promote large enough changes in SSB purchases to reduce obesity and noncommunicable diseases (NCDs).

Abbreviations: CI, confidence interval; HMOs, Health Maintenance Organizations; MDS, Minimum Data Set; RCTs, randomized controlled trials Provenance: Not commissioned; externally peer-reviewed Summary Points * Nursing home residents are a highly vulnerable population, and nursing home care quality has been a persistent focus of public concern. * There is considerable evidence from observational studies that public funding of care delivered in for-profit facilities is inferior to care delivered in public or nonprofit facilities. * The past decade has seen many industrialized countries increasing governmental payment for care of frail seniors in for-profit nursing homes, leading to questions about whether this leads to inferior care. * Many of Bradford Hill's guidelines for causation can be found in published studies supporting a causal link between for-profit ownership and inferior care. * The precautionary principle should be applied when developing policy for this frail and vulnerable population. Introduction Nursing homes, also called residential long-term care facilities or aged care homes, are regulated institutions providing around-the-clock medical and social care to (mainly) older people who are unable to live independently due to physical and/or mental disability. Because of the vulnerability of this population and frequent media reports of scandals across many industrialized countries [1], nursing home care quality has been a persistent focus of public concern.

ObjectiveRaising the tobacco sales age to 21 has gained support as a promising strategy to reduce youth cigarette access, but there is little direct evidence of its impact on adolescent smoking. Using regional youth survey data, we compared youth smoking trends in Needham, Massachusetts—which raised the minimum purchase age in 2005—with those of 16 surrounding communities.MethodsThe MetroWest Adolescent Health Survey is a biennial census survey of high school youth in communities west of Boston; over 16 000 students participated at each of four time points from 2006 to 2012. Using these pooled cross-section data, we used generalised estimating equation models to compare trends in current cigarette smoking and cigarette purchases in Needham relative to 16 comparison communities without similar ordinances. To determine whether trends were specific to tobacco, we also examined trends in youth alcohol use over the same time period.ResultsFrom 2006 to 2010, the decrease in 30-day smoking in Needham (from 13% to 7%) was significantly greater than in the comparison communities (from 15% to 12%; p<.001). This larger decline was consistent for both genders, Caucasian and non-Caucasian youth, and grades 10, 11 and 12. Cigarette purchases among current smokers also declined significantly more in Needham than in the comparison communities during this time. In contrast, there were no comparable differences for current alcohol use.ConclusionsOur results suggest that raising the minimum sales age to 21 for tobacco contributes to a greater decline in youth smoking relative to communities that did not pass this ordinance. These findings support local community-level action to raise the tobacco sales age to 21.

BackgroundE-cigarette products are the most popular tobacco/nicotine product used among youth and young adults in the USA. While emerging research has shown that e-cigarette taxes increase their price, no study to date has examined e-cigarette tax burdens nor their affordability for youth and young adults.MethodsUsing real (2021 US dollars) prices per mL of e-liquid data from NielsenIQ and annual real (2021 US dollars) personal income data from Integrated Public Use Microdata Series, we calculate relative income prices and examine average annual percentage changes in affordability using Joinpoint trend analysis from 2015 to 2021. In addition, we use tax data to calculate e-cigarette tax burdens as a percentage of price per 1 mL of e-liquid.ResultsIn all states analysed, tax burdens increased from 2015 to 2021. E-cigarette prices decreased considerably from 2019 to 2021; in 2021 the real (2021 US dollars) average price of 1 mL of e-liquid was US$4.45. E-cigarettes on average became more affordable for all age groups and states; however, e-cigarettes tended to be less affordable in states with ad-valorem tax structures. On average, 16–17-year-olds needed 31% of their annual income to purchase 100 mL of e-liquid, whereas 18–19-year-olds, 20–24-year-olds and 25–34-year-olds needed 9%, 3% and 1%, respectively.ConclusionsE-cigarettes have become more affordable for young people, but less so in states with ad-valorem tax structures. Policy efforts should focus on reducing e-cigarette affordability, especially for youth, through tax-induced increases in e-cigarette prices to levels high enough to outpace income growth.

In October 2014, Chile implemented a tax modification on sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) called the Impuesto Adicional a las Bebidas Analcohólicas (IABA). The design of the tax was unique, increasing the tax on soft drinks above 6.25 grams of added sugar per 100 mL and decreasing the tax for those below this threshold. This study evaluates Chile's SSB tax, which was announced in March 2014 and implemented in October 2014. We used household-level grocery-purchasing data from 2011 to 2015 for 2,836 households living in cities representative of the urban population of Chile. We employed a fixed-effects econometric approach and estimated the before-after change in purchasing of SSBs controlling for seasonality, general time trend, temperature, and economic fluctuations as well as time-invariant household characteristics. Results showed significant changes in purchasing for the statistically preferred model: while there was a barely significant decrease in the volume of all soft drinks, there was a highly significant decrease in the monthly purchased volume of the higher-taxed, sugary soft drinks by 21.6%. The direction of this reduction was robust to different empirical modelling approaches, but the statistical significance and the magnitude of the changes varied considerably. The reduction in soft drink purchasing was most evident amongst higher socioeconomic groups and higher pretax purchasers of sugary soft drinks. There was no systematic, robust pattern in the estimates by household obesity status. After tax implementation, the purchase prices of soft drinks decreased for the items for which the tax rate was reduced, but they remained unchanged for sugary items, for which the tax was increased. However, the purchase prices increased for sugary soft drinks at the time of the policy announcement. The main limitations include a lack of a randomised design, limiting the extent of causal inference possible, and the focus on purchasing data rather than consumption or health outcomes. The results of subgroup analyses suggest that the policy may have been partially effective, though not necessarily in ways that are likely to reduce socioeconomic inequalities in diet-related health. It remains unclear whether the policy has had a major, overall population-level impact. Additionally, because the present study examined purchasing of soft drinks for only 1 year, a longer-term evaluation-ideally including an assessment of consumption and health impacts-should be conducted in future research. ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier: NCT02926001.

Objectives. To evaluate the impact of the excise tax on sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) consumption in Berkeley, California, which became the first US jurisdiction to implement such a tax ($0.01/oz) in March 2015. Methods. We used a repeated cross-sectional design to examine changes in pre- to posttax beverage consumption in low-income neighborhoods in Berkeley versus in the comparison cities of Oakland and San Francisco, California. A beverage frequency questionnaire was interviewer administered to 990 participants before the tax and 1689 after the tax (approximately 8 months after the vote and 4 months after implementation) to examine relative changes in consumption. Results. Consumption of SSBs decreased 21% in Berkeley and increased 4% in comparison cities (P = .046). Water consumption increased more in Berkeley (+63%) than in comparison cities (+19%; P < .01). Conclusions. Berkeley’s excise tax reduced SSB consumption in low-income neighborhoods. Evaluating SSB taxes in other cities will improve understanding of their public health benefit and their generalizability.