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The End and the Beginning
A fresh interpretation of the contexts, meanings, and consequences of the revolutions of 1989, coupled with state of the art reassessment of the significance and consequences of the events associated with the demise of communist regimes. The book provides an analysis that takes into account the complexities of the Soviet bloc, the events’ impact upon Europe, and their re-interpretation within a larger global context. Departs from static ways of analysis (events and their significance) bringing forth approaches that deal with both pre-1989 developments and the 1989 context itself, while extensively discussing the ways of resituating 1989 in the larger context of the 20th century and of its lessons for the 21st. Emphasizes the possibility for re-thinking and re-visiting the filters and means that scholars use to interpret such turning point. The editors perceive the present project as a challenge to existing readings on the complex set of issues and topics presupposed by a re-evaluation of 1989 as a symbol of the change and transition from authoritarianism to democracy.
eBook
The negative revolution : political subjectivity after the end of the Cold War
\"This thought-provoking work analyzes concrete political events and reinterprets key concepts in modern political science. Building on the works of Kant, Badiou, Adorno, Hegel, and more, it posits that the dynamics of revolution can be encapsulated in the concept of negation, since a revolution essentially negates \"what is\" by rejecting the power in place. The work argues that revolution is the true ground of Western democracy and that the proof of a true democracy is the activity of protest movements. It discusses how modern philosophy conceives political truth as revolutionary or eventful, and that one aspect of revolution is negativity, which fluctuates between inertia and melancholia. It examines the problem of revolution in the context of modern philosophy, providing a diagnosis of the historical developments since the fall of the Soviet Union to the Arab Spring, setting forth an original theory of revolution while shedding light on the notion of negativity in contemporary thought. This innovative work will appeal to anyone interested in political theory and political philosophy\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
Appeals of Communism
This study, based on an extensive program of interviewing former American, British, French, and Italian Communists, provides many answers to these questions and gives a convincing insight into the motivations, tensions, and loyalties of Party members. First, the book examines Communist literature (the Lenin and Stalin classics and current Party media) to see what the Communists themselves expect of their movement. Then it shows whether this ideal is realized by the people who have \"been through it.\" The final sections, which follow the interviews closely, reveal what actually happens to people when they join, while they are in the Party, and after they leave.
Originally published in 1954.
The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
eBook
Strengths and Vulnerabilities of Surviving Asian Communist Regimes from a Historical, Regional, and Holistic Approach
In this article, I propose a historically grounded, regionally framed, and holistically constructed framework and make three interrelated claims about the strengths and vulnerabilities of surviving communist regimes in Asia. First, these regimes’ resilience today has historical origins in the communist revolutions that founded not only the regimes but also modern nations and states. This foundation provided these regimes with ideological, symbolic, and organizational assets that are now deployed to continue their dominance. Second, these regimes have been evolving together, have come to each other’s assistance at critical times, and have continued special relationships today; therefore, their strengths and vulnerabilities must be examined historically and regionally. Finally, in contrast to much existing scholarship that focuses only on resilience, I argue that factors contributing to their resilience also contain the very seeds of their vulnerabilities. I highlight three such factors, including extensive state control of resources, ruling parties’ ability to manipulate ideologies, and their formidable organizations—these three together carry not only their strengths but also their specific vulnerabilities today.
Journal Article
The Making of 'Evil Tyrant Landlords': A Microhistory of Moralized Class Division during Land Reform in Beijing's Suburbs, 1949
Class division represented arguably the most crucial stage of the land reform campaigns mounted by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), as it not only divided the land but also the political power of rural Chinese society. Based on newly available local archives, this case study of class division during land reform in the suburbs of Beijing argues that the making of \"evil tyrant landlords\"—and the struggle against them—played a decisive role in conceptualizing the \"landlord\" as both a figure of Marxist economic exploitation and the morally stigmatized rural elite during land reform and the building of the party-state. After the collapse of the existing rural ruling class, the \"struggle against tyrants\" movement immediately turned toward enacting formal class division. As a consequence, the discourse of class struggle based on a clear-cut landlord-peasantry dichotomy was, unsurprisingly, allowed by the CCP to infiltrate rural China's post-1949 political culture.
Journal Article
The gender of memory
What can we learn about the Chinese revolution by placing a doubly marginalized group--rural women--at the center of the inquiry? In this book, Gail Hershatter explores changes in the lives of seventy-two elderly women in rural Shaanxi province during the revolutionary decades of the 1950s and 1960s. Interweaving these women's life histories with insightful analysis, Hershatter shows how Party-state policy became local and personal, and how it affected women's agricultural work, domestic routines, activism, marriage, childbirth, and parenting--even their notions of virtue and respectability. The women narrate their pasts from the vantage point of the present and highlight their enduring virtues, important achievements, and most deeply harbored grievances. In showing what memories can tell us about gender as an axis of power, difference, and collectivity in 1950s rural China and the present, Hershatter powerfully examines the nature of socialism and how gender figured in its creation.
eBook
The Historical Foundations of Religious Restrictions in Contemporary China
The ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) abolished its total ban on religious activities in 1982. However, the distrust that the CCP feels for religions remains obvious today, and the religious restrictions in contemporary China remain tight. Conventional wisdom tells us that the official atheist ideology of Marxism-Leninism is the main reason behind the CCP’s distrust for, and restriction of, religion. However, taking a historical institutionalist perspective, this paper argues that the religious restrictions in contemporary China are in fact rooted in the fierce political struggles of the country’s two major revolutions in the first half of the twentieth century. Without the support of religious groups, the Nationalist Republicans would have found it difficult to survive and succeed in overthrowing the Qing Dynasty during the Chinese Republican Revolution in the first decade of the twentieth century. Likewise, without cooperating with a wide range of religious groups, the CCP would have struggled to defeat the Nationalist regime and the Japanese invaders in the Chinese Communist Revolution between 1920s and 1940s. Thanks to the collaborations and struggles with various religious groups during the two revolutions which lead to its eventual ascent to power, the CCP thoroughly understands the organisational strength and mobilising capability embedded within religious groups. The tight restrictions on religious affairs in contemporary China is therefore likely to stem from the CCP’s worry that prospective competitors could mobilise religious groups to challenge its rule through launching, supporting, or sponsoring collective actions.
Journal Article
Combining Contradictions: Jewish Contributions to the Chinese Revolution
Jews were deeply involved in Communist revolutions in Europe, and primarily in Russia, often in leading positions. This is understandable given their demographic location, extensive education and suffering over the years. However, how could we account for the fact that they also played a role in Communist revolutions in Asia, and especially in China? There were practically no Jewish communities to speak of and those few who lived there had been almost totally assimilated, and had no interest whatsoever in Chinese culture, history and politics. Still, Jews (who arrived out of China) not only took part in the revolution but had also helped igniting it and then stayed on or joined later. While dealing with this puzzle in my paper, I'll try to offer a typology of Jewish activists and revolutionaries in China, to explain their motives (by choice or not), and to evaluate their contributions in perspective. It appears that their Jewish identity did not play a direct role in their revolutionary activism, but it did play an indirect role. Included in this study are Grigorii Gershuni, Grigorii Voitinski, Boris Shumiatsky, Michail Borodin, Adolf Joffe, Pavel Mif, David Crook, Sidney Rittenberg, Israel Epstein, Sidney Shapiro, Solomon Adler, Sam Ginsbourg, Michael Shapiro, and more. Their main value to the revolution was mainly writing, translation, communication and publication. Although they were all deeply committed to the Chinese Communist revolution, some of them were jailed - for years - and occasionally more than once. Nonetheless, they continued to believe in, and even to justify, the Chinese Communist Party.
Journal Article
Vietnam and China, 1938-1954
Pondering the origins of U.S. involvement in Vietnam, Professor Chen turns to the Indochinese war (1946-1954), the Vietnamese Communist movement under Ho Chi Minh (1944-1945), and even earlier to Ho's activities in the late 1930's. He examines the questions: Did the Sino-Vietnamese relationship after World War II assist or hinder the Vietminh Communists? Why was the Vietminh able to obtain Chinese military aid without inviting massive Chinese intervention, as happened in Korea? What was the Soviet position on the Indochinese war and what was it at the Geneva Conference of 1954? Is there any difference between Vietnam's relations with the weak Nationalist China in the 1940's and those with powerful Communist regime in the 1950's? Finally, Professor Chen compares the position of the United States, North Vietnam, Britain, Communist China, and the Soviet Union in 1954 and 1968.
Originally published in 1969.
The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
eBook