Explore the vast range of titles available.

During the first decade of the twenty-first century, schools and communities find themselves struggling with concerns of youth violence, child poverty, and race relations in an economy mired in recession. In Schooling for Life , esteemed community educator Dale E. Shuttleworth brings his rich experiences as a teacher, principal, school superintendant, policy writer, community development worker, social entrepreneur, and university course director to a discussion of public education and its role in the communities that it serves. In an historic overview of how and why public schooling has changed since 1965, Schooling for Life traces a series of demonstration projects which have influenced policy development and innovative practice in such fields as inner city education, multi-cultural and race relations, adult education, economic development, and skill training. This timely work represents a blueprint for community education and development as society faces the challenges of social, economic, and political renewal.

Despite extensive literature on the nature and impact of gentrification, there has been little consideration of the effects of gentrification on ethnic neighbourhoods. This study evaluates the negative and positive effects of gentrification on the Portuguese in west central Toronto. Details concerning the settlement patterns of the Portuguese, the characteristics of Portuguese residents and patterns of gentrification in inner-city Toronto were obtained from census data. Evaluations of neighbourhood change and attitudes of the residents towards gentrification were obtained from key informant and focus group interviews. The results suggest considerable ambivalence among the respondents, but most agreed that the long-term viability of Little Portugal as an immigrant reception area with a good supply of low-cost housing is in doubt.

Drawing on a series of in-depth interviews among a segment of Toronto's inner-city, middle-class population, Caulfield argues that the seeds of gentrification have included patterns of critical social practice and that the 'gentrified' landscape is highly paradoxical.

On 9 December 1978, the Toronto police raided the Barracks Bathhouse. The Barracks owners and several employees were charged with allegedly keeping a common bawdy house and a number of attendees were charged with related morals offenses. This essay argues that the Barracks raid marks a significant moment in gay activism in Canada as it brought together two largely antithetical groups, gay businessmen and activists, and, in the process, reworked understandings of gay bathhouses as important community institutions in the Toronto context. Second, the Barracks events also need to be positioned within a larger set of processes ultimately resulting in a reimagining of the nature of gay “institutions” within the gay “ghetto” as a central and important location for gay and lesbian political, economic, and social life.

The concept of scale is useful in analyzing both the strengths and limitations of community food security programs that attempt to link issues of ecological sustainability with social justice. One scalar issue that is particularly important but under-theorized is the scale of social reproduction, which is often neglected in production-focused studies of globalization. FoodShare Toronto's good food box (GFB) program, engages people in the politics of their everyday lives, empowering them to make connections between consumption patterns and broader political-economic, cultural, and political-ecological issues. Community food security (CFS) projects such as the GFB are currently limited in their scope and reach and have been criticized for their inability to deliver food to a larger segment of marginalized, hungry people. A central dilemma for CFS projects is how to engage the majority of urban consumers who still eat inside the box of the industrial food system. We argue that the concept of scale helps clarify how CFS projects must scale out to other localities, as well as scale up to address structural concerns like state capacity, industrial agriculture, and unequal distribution of wealth. This requires the state and the third sector to recognize the importance of multi-scaled food politics as well as a long-term pedagogical project promoting ecological sustainability, social responsibility, and the pleasures of eating locally. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

The prejudicial linking of infection with ethnic minority status has a long-established history, but in some ways this association may have intensified under the contemporary circumstances of the \"new public health\" and globalization. This study analyzes this conflation of ethnicity and disease victimization by considering the stigmatization process that occurred during the 2003 outbreak of Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) in Toronto. The attribution of stigma during the SARS outbreak occurred in multiple and overlapping ways informed by: (i) the depiction of images of individuals donning respiratory masks; (ii) employment status in the health sector; and (iii) Asian-Canadian and Chinese-Canadian ethnicity. In turn, stigmatization during the SARS crisis facilitated a moral panic of sorts in which racism at a cultural level was expressed and rationalized on the basis of a rhetoric of the new public health and anti-globalization sentiments. With the former, an emphasis on individualized self-protection, in the health sense, justified the generalized avoidance of those stigmatized. In relation to the latter, in the post-9/11 era, avoidance of the stigmatized other was legitimized on the basis of perceiving the SARS threat as a consequence of the mixing of different people predicated by economic and cultural globalization. Le fait préjudiciable de lier ensemble infection et minorité ethnique est établi depuis longtemps dans l'histoire, mais cette association semble s'être intensifiée d'une certaine manière dans les circonstances actuelles de la «nouvelle santé publique» et de la mondialisation. Dans cette étude, nous analysons cet assemblage d'ethnicité et de victimisation liée à la maladie, en examinant le processus de stigmatisation qui a émergé lorsque le symptôme respiratoire aigu grave (SRAG) s'est déclaré en 2003 à Toronto. Au cours de cette éclosion du SRAG, la désignation des boucs émissaires s'est faite de manières multiples qui se recoupaient les unes les autres : (i) la représentation visuelle de personnes portant des masques respiratoires, (ii) le statut d'emploi dans le secteur de la santé et (iii) l'ethnicité canadienne asiatique ou sinocanadienne. Par ailleurs, la stigmatisation pendant la crise du SRAG a ouvert la voie à une sorte de panique morale permettant au racisme de s'exprimer et de se rationaliser au niveau culturel à partir d'une rhétorique de nouvelle santé publique et de sentiments anti-mondialisation. En ce qui concerne ces derniers, l'emphase portée sur une autoprotection individuelle au sens sanitaire a justifié une mise à l'écart généralisée des personnes stigmatisées. Cette mise à l'écart dans le contexte de l'après-onze septembre a légitimisé le fait d`éviter tout Autre stigmatisé, en s'appuyant sur la perception de la menace du SRAG, vue comme une conséquence du mélange de peuples divers, tel que prêché par la mondialisation économique et culturelle.

Social movements are manifestations of and facilitate human ‘agency’ (LaClau and Mouffe, 1987; Touraine, 1998). The past 20 years reveal a burgeoning number of service and advocacy organizations which focus on the specific needs, interests and issues of minority members of our society. In some cases these minorities represent a significant sector of the population yet continue to be regarded as minorities, as others, as less than full citizens. Full citizenship appears to be conferred differentially. Conceptually, citizenship reflects the idea that citizens act in the public sphere, they contribute to, and shape the discourses which, in turn, and in part, structure our society. All of the members of the society are, conceptually and theoretically, entitled to this participation. Practically, however, citizenship appears to be increasingly exclusively conferred. This paper explores these issues theoretically and conceptually, first examining the relationship between civil society and social movements and the public sphere; how these realms might be understood to intersect and interrelate. In short, the paper explores the question of whether the actions and agency of citizens in civil society effects the public sphere. Whether these persons and their activities contribute an alternative discourse which is a discourse of the public, or only of a marginal realm, is a question critical to understanding the relationship between community development, civil society and social change. While this paper can not claim to answer this question, it explores these ideas and our contemporary experience.

Between the end of World War II and the early 1970s, many Native women in Ontario came to Toronto in the hopes of accessing higher education, jobs, and freedom denied them on reserves under the oppression of federal government tutelage. However, much of the literature on Native rural-urban migration in Canada concentrates on an association between urbanization and social problems, or on Native peoples' \"failure\" to assimilate into urban society. Conversely, the author contends that attention to women's experiences in the history of Toronto Native community building illustrates diversity and complexity in the socioeconomic life of Native urban migrants. For some, their personal journeys to Toronto positioned them as members of an emergent Native \"middle class,\" itself characterized by the particularities of Native historical and cultural experiences, which the author discusses in the first section of this article. In particular, many Native women in this position did not equate their relative economic success with assimilation. Rather, they utilized their class mobility to support the structural development of Native community organizations and promote positive pride in Native cultural identity in the city. In the second section, the author sketches some of the intersections between Native women's lives and the development of community for thousands of Native people in Toronto between 1950 and 1975. The author describes the involvement of Native women in the North American Indian Club (1950-1978), from which emerged the Native Canadian Centre of Toronto (founded 1962), the city's oldest Native community center, and the women's participation in the Native Centre's Ladies' Auxiliary. Their experiences also highlight the specificity of emerging Native \"middle-class\" identity in Toronto. This is further explored in the third part of this article, examining the engagement of Native women in socioeconomic class mobility, Native image-making, and networking with women members of the Toronto white elite. Their work here served as a means to generate positive forms of Native identity grounded in notions of cultural pride and authenticity, while also securing resources to empower Native community self-determination. (Contains 29 notes.)