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5,615 result(s) for "Competition China."
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Revisiting China's competition law and its interaction with intellectual property rights
\"Taking the dynamics of EU competition policy as a reference, the author provides a historical perspective of China's competition law, enforcement mechanisms and future challenges against the background of ongoing economic reforms and the concomitant modernisation of the judicial system. Readers are familiarised with the main principles of China's IP Guidelines. Recent judicial and administrative landmark decisions are covered as well. The author studies issues at the nexus between China's competition law and IP regime. Coherent goals of the two legal systems are achieved through seemingly opposite means: Safeguarding free competition for all market players versus granting exclusive rights to IP owners. It is a constant challenge for China's competition authorities to strike an optimal balance when applying competition law to the exercise of IP rights\"--Publisher's website.
Caught in the Middle? Middle Powers amid U.S.-China Competition
executive summary: This essay provides an overview of this special issue, which seeks to better understand middle-power thinking and strategies in coping with the escalating competition between the U.S. and China. main argument Competition is now the primary format of U.S.-China relations, spanning key dimensions of international politics. The pressures radiating from this structural shift have led Indo-Pacific states to calibrate their policies to this new geostrategic circumstance. This special issue focuses on the responses of a category of regional states understood as middle powers. How have regional middle powers adapted to the intensifying U.S.-China rivalry? What are the considerations and drivers that inform their coping strategies? To address these salient, policy-relevant questions, this special issue spotlights six Indo-Pacific middle powers—namely, Australia, South Korea, Indonesia, Vietnam, Thailand, and Pakistan—and unpacks their logic and ways of navigating the complexities of the Sino-U.S. rivalry. The insights derived in this issue contribute to broader policy thinking on the evolving choices of middle powers and are instructive for the strategic policies of other regional states in an era of great-power competition. policy implications • Amid the growing U.S.-China contest, regional middle powers perceive a narrowing strategic space for maneuverability. • This reduced strategic space does not equate to decreasing strategic autonomy, however. Regional middle powers retain considerable agency to mold their own paths and that of the broader strategic environment, including developing options to mitigate any fallout from the Sino-U.S. rivalry. • A considerable degree of this middle-power agency is animated by elite calculations of the respective domestic interests at stake. • Strategic ambiguity toward China and the U.S. remains the dominant policy preference of most middle powers probed in this issue.
Offshore Embeddedness Beyond the Wall: Chinese Cloud Providers in Southeast Asia’s Data Governance Landscape
Why do middle power states permit companies from institutionally controversial jurisdictions to build and run critical cloud infrastructure on their soil, despite pronounced data governance concerns? How do such firms convert deep suspicion into durable market legitimacy amid intensifying geopolitical competition? Drawing on case studies of Alibaba Cloud and Tencent Cloud across five ASEAN countries (2015–2024), this article proposes the concept of offshore embeddedness: a legitimacy strategy that combines demonstrable separation from home-state control with deep integration into host-state governance structures. Three mechanisms underpin this strategy: regulatory-infrastructure convergence through exhaustive certification and sovereign cloud builds, network integration via stakeholder coalitions that fuse firm survival to domestic political interests, and organizational decoupling accomplished through verifiable legal separation from home-country governance. ASEAN governments shape these outcomes by acting as gatekeeper-regulators (imposing localization and audit preconditions), infrastructure brokers (exchanging market access for domestic data center investment and skills transfer), and coalition orchestrators (embedding foreign clouds within host-led political-economic networks). Through these roles, domestic data governance frameworks shift from exclusionary shields to leverage tools, recalibrating digital governance and binary US–China narratives.
Impact estimation of exchange rates on exports and annual update of competitiveness analysis for 34 greater China economies
\"Competitiveness study at the sub-national level covering all 34 economies and five regions in Greater China Regional development strategies from an academic perspective, with the aim to help achieve sustainable and balanced growth throughout Greater China Asia Competitiveness Institute's other competitiveness studies on ASEAN, Indonesia and India enable cross-country comparisons\"-- Provided by publisher.
QUAD and SQUAD: From Lattice Alliances to an Asian NATO?
This article examines system‐ and unit‐level drivers that create a lattice work of Indo‐Pacific alliances and security partners. Consequently, these developments are leading to a multilateral security network that is comparable to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). It observes the emergence of an Asian‐style NATO in the Indo‐Pacific region, which is gradually replacing the Cold War‐era hub‐and‐spoke system of alliances. It argues that this type of security architecture has emerged as a result of Chinaʼs rise as a great power in the Indo‐Pacific region, with a focus on expansion in the South and East China Seas, as well as Washingtonʼs decision to engage Beijing in strategic competition. The following variables indicate the formation of this Asian‐style NATO: a changing US grand strategy vis‐à‐vis China, the creation of mini‐laterals, and US alliesʼ efforts to confront Chinaʼs expansion and aggression by strengthening their alliance with the US. In conclusion, the article argues that this Asian‐style NATO is still in its formative stages compared to the time‐tested, well‐established, and highly institutionalised Euro‐Atlantic NATO.
Improving competitiveness through human resource development in China : the role of vocational education
\"This book looks at the development of vocational education and training in China and how it is crucial to human resource development and improving competitiveness. It briefly outlines the contextual issues related to vocational education and training in China, the importance of vocational education and how China has been using vocational training to reduce unemployment rate and raising its overall human capital\"-- Provided by publisher.
The U.S.’ Coercive Diplomacy toward China in 2025 and the Future Prospects of Its Strategic Coercive Diplomacy
This research conducted a comprehensive analysis of Washington’s strategic application of coercive diplomacy toward Beijing, focusing on three principal dimensions: political, economic, and military. Grounded in the theoretical frameworks of coercive diplomacy, the Truman Doctrine, and “Trump’s Transactional Diplomacy,” the study employed a hybrid methodology combining content and event data analysis to examine diplomatic behaviors, political statements, tariff policies, technological measures, and military maneuvers enacted by the Trump 2.0 administration. First, Washington utilized coercive measures to reaffirm its global superiority over China. Domestic self-reliance initiatives, such as the AI Action Plan, aimed to demonstrate that U.S. endogenous capabilities remained competitive with China’s manufacturing infrastructure. Second, the strategic deployment of its alliance system underscored America’s intent to assert leadership over a globally integrated network of political, economic, and defense partnerships, contrasting with China’s comparatively modest coalition. Third, coercive diplomacy extended beyond Sino-American dynamics; the Trump administration applied similar pressure tactics toward strategic partners worldwide, often leveraging economic dominance through tariff threats. Strategically, coercive diplomacy toward China appeared poised to become a long-term doctrine, as countering Beijing represented one of the few bipartisan convergences in U.S. politics. In response, China was expected to reinforce domestic resilience and alliance-building to prepare for sustained confrontation. This rivalry was likely to trigger the most extensive multidimensional competition in modern history. Developing nations must adopt proactive, neutral diplomacy to strengthen internal capacities, while they should avoid positioning themselves as adversaries to either superpower.
Catch-Up and Competitiveness in China
This book examines the role of corporate structure, including the role of corporate headquarters, in the success of large firms. It considers these issues in relation to large global corporations, thereby providing a 'benchmark', which is then used as a contrast in a discussion of corporate structure and the role of corporate headquarters within large Chinese firms, many of which have evolved from former government ministries. It includes a detailed case-study of firms in the crucially important oil and petro-chemical sector. Overall, the book shows what a hugely competitive battle China's emerging 'national champions' face with their global competitors, and puts forward policy implications both for large Chinese firms and for the Chinese government concerning how business systems should be reformed further still in order to construct globally competitive large industrial corporations. List of Tables List of Figures List of Abbreviations Acknowledgements 1. Introduction 2. The Function of Corporate Headquarters 3. Corporate Structure and Headquarters' Function: BP and Shell 4. Government Centralisation and Corporatisation: CNPC and Sinopec from 1950s to 1997 5. Restructuring for Vertical Integration and Flotation: CNPC and Sinopec in 1998 and 1999 6. Corporate Structure and Headquarters Function: PetroChina and Sinopec 7. From Production Unit to Autonomous Enterprise and back to Production Unit: Daqing and Zhenhai 8. The Challenges for Large Chinese Firms 9. Conclusion Bibliography Jin Zhang is Leverhulme Research Fellow in the Judge Institute of Management and Fellow of Wolfson College at the University of Cambridge. Her main research interests are international business and China. She is currently undertaking research on China's large corporations and their position within the global business system.