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In response to Russia’s war of aggression and the accompanying human rights violations in Ukraine, several scholars have called for all multinational companies to divest and leave the country; otherwise, they become accomplices to the aggressor. This article reconstructs the arguments in favor of this general call. The first contribution of this article is to extend complicity theory to the context of crimes of aggression and atrocities to promote this demand. Although this extension of complicity theory ensures internal coherence, the call for a general divestment of all companies is tantamount to comprehensive economic sanctions. In contrast, recent developments in sanction theory as part of just war theory suggest that targeted sanctions are the legitimate sanctions that states prefer. Therefore, the second contribution is to evaluate sanctions morally and analyze and discuss the moral implications of three categories of goods and services (sanctioned, essential, and nonessential). This discussion shows no moral justification for a general call for all companies to leave an aggressor state. Companies have moral obligations to comply with legitimate sanctions, moral duties concerning essential goods, and moral permissions concerning nonessential goods.

Pancreatic ductal adenocarcinomas are distinguished by their robust desmoplasia, or fibroinflammatory response. Dominated by non-malignant cells, the mutated epithelium must therefore combat, cooperate with or co-opt the surrounding cells and signalling processes in its microenvironment. It is proposed that an invasive pancreatic ductal adenocarcinoma represents the coordinated evolution of malignant and non-malignant cells and mechanisms that subvert and repurpose normal tissue composition, architecture and physiology to foster tumorigenesis. The complex kinetics and stepwise development of pancreatic cancer suggests that it is governed by a discrete set of organizing rules and principles, and repeated attempts to target specific components within the microenvironment reveal self-regulating mechanisms of resistance. The histopathological and genetic progression models of the transforming ductal epithelium must therefore be considered together with a programme of stromal progression to create a comprehensive picture of pancreatic cancer evolution. Understanding the underlying organizational logic of the tumour to anticipate and pre-empt the almost inevitable compensatory mechanisms will be essential to eradicate the disease.Pancreatic ductal adenocarcinomas are characterized by a robust stromal reaction. This Review discusses how the evolution of the epithelium in pancreatic cancers is coordinated with a programme of stromal progression; this comprehensive picture of tumour development might, in turn, point to new therapeutic vulnerabilities.

AbstractToday’s scholarship and policymaking on business and human rights (BHR) urges businesses to better understand their human rights responsibilities and remedy them, when and if abuses do occur. Despite the public discourse about businesses and human rights, the state—as the main duty bearer in international human rights law—plays a fundamental role as the protector and enforcer of human rights obligations. Yet, the existing literature overlooks state involvement as perpetrators of abuse in the corporate context. We develop the term economic complicity to shed light on the state’s role in directly or indirectly abusing human rights within a corporation’s sphere of influence, such as police violence toward nonviolent protesters or granting environmental licenses without adhering to legally required community consultations. We ask: What contributes to the state’s engagement in economic complicity in corporate human rights abuses? We assess hypotheses emergent from the democratic change and development studies literatures with a unique database that includes economic complicity data from Latin America, the Corporations and Human Rights Database (CHRD). This research has important theoretical implications for the business ethics and BHR literatures, as understanding economic complicity highlights the need for business actors to avoid shirking their moral responsibilities to not only ‘do no harm’ but also to protect human rights when they are threatened by the state.

Background The reduction of stigma is a major goal of every dementia strategy and plan published. Stigma is a concern of people living with dementia (PLWD) and their care partners. Public stigma is the perception of PLWD, which can comprise prejudice and discrimination. Self‐stigma, or internalized shame felt by the person with dementia themselves, further complicates this phenomenon. Stigma is born of fear and existential dread of loss of self that proximity to PLWD can evoke. This presentation addresses perceptions of stigma by participants in Walking the Talk for Dementia (WTD) 2024 and explores three associated sub‐themes. Collectively the findings demonstrate the evolution of destigmatisation over the week‐long event and beyond. Methods This study combined quantitative and qualitative research approaches with the aim of providing a comprehensive understanding of the impact of WTD on participants by integrating numerical and descriptive data that addressed the issue of stigma as reported in surveys and individual reflective comments. Results Three sub‐themes emerge from the findings: “You no longer see them as patients” –clinicians change their perceptions of PLWD; the “creation of community” – participants acknowledge their shared vulnerability; and “I’m not broken” – PLWD see possibilities and meaning. The themes show development of knowledge about dementia during WTD and its potential to address stigma. This often manifests as self‐knowledge born of deep reflection and connection with other participants. Crucially, the event afforded different participants to get what each needed from the event despite very diverse backgrounds and experience. The average self‐reported improvement in knowledge about the impact of dementia on individuals and society was 4.59 on a scale of 1‐5 (least to most) and 4.49 on ideas about how to advocate for PLWD. Conclusions WTD offers a framework to address some of the fear that lies at the heart of stigma. The collective experiences and learning reported by participants offer many insights into enhanced understanding and the resulting decrease in stigmatising words or actions. People living with dementia discovered their own complicity in their stigmatisation and experienced an empowering context where they could redefine themselves in a new light free of stigma.

Increasingly, global businesses are confronted with the question of complicity in human rights violations committed by abusive host governments. This contribution specifically looks at silent complicity and the way it challenges conventional interpretations of corporate responsibility. Silent complicity implies that corporations have moral obligations that reach beyond the negative realm of doing no harm. Essentially, it implies that corporations have a moral responsibility to help protect human rights by putting pressure on perpetrating host governments involved in human rights abuses. This is a controversial claim, which this contribution proposes to analyze with a view to understanding and determining the underlying conditions that need to be met in order for moral agents to be said to have such responsibilities in the category of the duty to protect human rights.

A short and direct introduction sets out the context for this special section. After a brief sketch of each of the commentary pieces and how they fit together, the key question will then be posed: how are geographers now inserting themselves into these ongoing dynamics, and which particular aspects of the present moment are geography academics well-placed to address?

Slavery and the JournalFounded by men whose families profited from slavery, the Journal provided a prominent forum where physicians perpetuated race hierarchies before and after the Civil War.

This article draws on the sociology of Bourdieu to explore how academics respond to managerialist imperatives. Bourdieu’s metaphor of the game is applied to a case study of a regional Australian university, which underwent significant changes in 2007, the most notable being the introduction of performance appraisals. In-depth interviews (N=20) reveal evidence of symbolic violence: staff compliance with and complicity in the changes. This is evident in the way that the interviewees, mostly early career academics, chose to play the game by concentrating their efforts on increasing their capital within the new order. To further support this argument, signs of resistance to the new regime were explored. Findings show that vocal resistance was sparse with silence, neglect and exit being the more realistic options. The article concludes that it is academics’ illusio, their unwavering commitment to the game, which neutralizes resistance by pitting colleagues against each other.

Persons of faith are now seeking religious exemptions from laws concerning sex, reproduction, and marriage on the ground that the law makes the objector complicit in the assertedly sinful conduct of others. We term claims of this kind, which were at issue in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, complicity-based conscience claims. Complicity-based conscience claims differ in form and in social logic from the claims featured in the free exercise cases that the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) invokes. The distinctive features of complicity-based conscience claims matter, not because they make the claim for religious exemption any less authentic or sincere, but rather because accommodating claims of this kind has the potential to inflict material and dignitary harms on other citizens. Complicity claims focus on the conduct of others outside the faith community. Their accommodation therefore has potential to harm those whom the claimants view as sinning. Today complicity claims are asserted by growing numbers of Americans about contentious \"culture war\" issues. This dynamic amplifies the effects of accommodation. Faith claims that concern questions in democratic contest will escalate in number, and accommodation of the claims will be fraught with significance, not only for the claimants, but also for those whose conduct the claimants condemn. Some urge accommodation in the hopes of peaceful settlement, yet, as we show, complicity claims can provide an avenue to extend, rather than settle, conflict. We highlight the distinctive form and social logic of complicity-based conscience claims so that those debating accommodation do so with the impact on third parties fully in view. We show how concern about the third-party impact of accommodation structured the Court's decision in Hobby Lobby and demonstrate how this concern is an integral part of RFRA's compelling interest and narrow tailoring inquiries. At issue is not only whether but how complicity claims are accommodated.

This article critically examines how diversity initiatives in higher education can paradoxically reinforce exclusionary practices, particularly within academic systems that frame inclusion as both an ethical commitment and institutional achievement. Through an autoethnographic approach grounded in everyday academic encounters, I analyze how power is reinforced through routine interactions and how individual actors actively sustain racialized hierarchies under the banner of inclusion. Scholars of color are frequently perceived through reductive racialized or migrant identities, regardless of credentials or scholarly contributions, revealing how institutional whiteness is reproduced not only structurally but through interpersonal practices. Rather than presenting these dynamics as abstract or unintentional, the article interrogates how specific actions—such as symbolic inclusion, exceptionalization, and performative allyship— uphold the “neutral” norms of white, middle‐class academic culture. Drawing on García Peña’s (2022) critique of “The One,” I argue that diversity discourse often masks deeper power asymmetries by isolating and instrumentalizing minoritized scholars, positioning them as representatives rather than colleagues. By shifting attention from representational inclusion to the micro‐politics of complicity, this article calls for greater accountability in how inclusion is practiced and performed within academic communities. By naming these practices, it aims to open space for more critical institutional analysis and the possibility of transformative change.