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This book focuses on the relationship between conservative Protestants and social power in the U.S. The book, which is particularly concerned with which sorts of power relationships seem natural and which do not, is based on fieldwork (conducted in the early 1990s), in three Philadelphia churches: Oak Grove Church, Philadelphia Mennonite Fellowship, and the Philadelphia Church of Christ. The data drawn from that fieldwork suggests that in the early 1990s, Bible‐carrying Christian churches tended to naturalize (to various degrees) the authority of heterosexuals and men. The data also suggested that under certain (relatively rare) circumstances Bible‐carrying Christian churches denaturalized the authority of ministers, corporations, and nation‐states.

Conservative pundits allege that the pervasive liberalism of America's colleges and universities has detrimental effects on undergraduates, most particularly right-leaning ones. Yet not enough attention has actually been paid to young conservatives to test these claims--until now. InBecoming Right, Amy Binder and Kate Wood carefully explore who conservative students are, and how their beliefs and political activism relate to their university experiences. Which parts of conservatism do these students identify with? How do their political identities evolve on campus? And what do their educational experiences portend for their own futures--and for the future of American conservatism? Becoming Rightdemonstrates the power that campus culture has in developing students' conservative political styles and shows that young conservatives are made, not born. Focusing on two universities--\"Eastern Elite\" and \"Western Public\"--Binder and Wood discover that what is acceptable, or even celebrated, political speech and action on one campus might be unthinkable on another. Right-leaning students quickly learn the styles of conservatism that are appropriate for their schools. Though they might be expected to simply plug into the national conservative narrative--via media from Fox News to Facebook--college conservatives actually enact their politics in starkly different ways. Rich in interviews and insight,Becoming Rightillustrates that the diverse conservative movement evolving among today's college students holds important implications for the direction of American politics.

CHOICE Outstanding Academic Title, 2022 How rural areas have become uneven proving grounds for the American Dream. Late-stage capitalism is trying to remake rural America in its own image, and the resistance is telling. Small-town economies that have traditionally been based on logging, mining, farming, and ranching now increasingly rely on tourism, second-home ownership, and retirement migration. In Dividing Paradise, Jennifer Sherman tells the story of Paradise Valley, Washington, a rural community where amenity-driven economic growth has resulted in a new social landscape of inequality and privilege, with deep fault lines between old-timers and newcomers. In this complicated cultural reality, \"class blindness\" allows privileged newcomers to ignore or justify their impact on these towns, papering over the sentiments of anger, loss, and disempowerment of longtime locals.   Based on in-depth interviews with individuals on both sides of the divide, this book explores the causes and repercussions of the stark inequity that has become commonplace across the United States. It exposes the mechanisms by which inequality flourishes and by which Americans have come to believe that disparity is acceptable and deserved. Sherman, who is known for her work on rural America, presents here a powerful case study of the ever-growing tensions between those who can and those who cannot achieve their visions of the American dream.  

This article examines the Americanization of Israeli conservative civil society organizations (CSOs), by exploring how the transnational transfer of Jewish American philanthropy and the diffusion of conservative ideas influence the formation of right-wing Israeli CSOs, applying the theoretical framework of critical community. \"Critical Community\" is a concept describing the transference of ideas, ideologies, and cultural cues between protest groups in different countries. We explain the transnational diffusion of American conservative ideology using three case studies of Israeli CSOs that exhibit organizational trajectories affected by an American conservative model: The Tikvah Fund, Shalem Center, and the Kohelet Policy Forum. We trace the financial, ideational, and personal links between these CSOs and their American counterparts, shedding light on the significance of transnational relations between ideological groups across borders. Such a critical community enables philanthropic support for these organizations and the emergence of a conservative movement shaped by the flow of ideas from the United States to Israel.

This Article examines originalism's role in overruling Roe v. Wade in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization. Through this case study the Article explores competing understandings of originalism. It shows that originalism is not simply a value-neutral method of interpreting the Constitution. Originalism is also a political practice whose long-term goal has been the overturning of Roe. As the conservative legal movement has developed originalism, judicial appointments matter critically to originalism's authority, as do originalism's appeals to constitutional memory to legitimate the exercise of public power. Examining these different dimensions of originalism's authority, this Article shows that the conservative legal movement has practiced originalism as a form of living constitutionalism that makes our constitutional order less democratic in several important ways. To demonstrate how this is so, this Article returns to originalism's roots in the Reagan years and examines originalism's origins in a backlash to the decisions of the Warren and Burger Courts. In 1980, for the first time-and continuously ever since-the Republican Party's platform promised that \"[w]e will work for the appointment of judges at all levels of the judiciary who respect traditional family values and the sanctity of innocent human life.\" I examine the family-values politics from which the quest to overturn Roe emerged, the judicial screening practices developed to pursue it, and the talk of law and politics employed to justify it. This Article reads Dobbs through a double lens. I first consider how originalists have evaluated the originalism of the opinion (some term Dobbs \"living constitutionalist\") and then go on to show how Dobbs depends on the appointments politics and constitutional memory claims I have identified as part of the political practice of originalism. Dobbs's living constitutionalism serves contemporary movement goals: the history-and-traditions standard that Dobbs employs to overturn Roe threatens many of the same lines of cases targeted for reversal by the architects of originalism in the Reagan Administration. The deepest problem with Dobbs, however, is that its originalism is living constitutionalism that makes our constitutional order less democratic. Dobbs restricts and threatens rights that enable equal participation of members of historically marginalized groups; Dobbs locates constitutional authority in imagined communities of the past-entrenching norms, traditions, and modes of life associated with old status hierarchies; and Dobbs presents its contested value judgments as expert claims of law and historical fact to which the public owes deference. A concluding Part focuses on constitutional memory as a terrain of constitutional conflict and begins to ask questions about how claims on our constitutional past might be democratized, both inside and outside of originalism, in the aspiration to take back the Constitution from the Court.

Aim To investigate species and clade biome occupancy patterns of Australian Acacia to test for within‐biome diversification, which indicate biome conservatism. Location Australia. Taxon Acacia (Fabaceae). Methods Species distributions were predicted for 481 Australian Acacia using the Thornley Transport Resistance Species Distribution Model and mapped across four biome typologies. Within Acacia 19 clades were identified. The number of biomes occupied and niche size was quantified for every species and clade using the range area projected by the distribution model. Relationships between clade species richness, niche size and biomes occupied were tested using phylogenetic least squares regression models. Results Only 9% of the Acacia 481 species and no clades were biome specialists. There were most specialist taxa in the Crisp Biome classification (8.7%), followed by WWF Biomes (6.2%), González–Orozco Biomes (5.0%) then Functional Biomes (1.2%). On average Acacia species occupied four WWF Biomes, seven Functional Biomes, three Crisp Biomes and three González–Orozco Biomes (out of 7, 13, 5 or 6 biomes respectively). Clades were also distributed across multiple biomes (2–13) with a significant positive relationship between clade species richness and the number of biomes occupied for all biome typologies. Species richness had positive linear relationships with biome area for all biome concepts except the González–Orozco Biomes. Larger clades had larger niche sizes. Main conclusions Acacia diversification occurred across biome boundaries and was not associated with biome specialization. Species and clades mainly occurred in multiple biomes, and there were typically few biome specialists. Diversification in Acacia appears to be decoupled from biome conservatism, associated with expanding niche size across biome boundaries. Major ecological–environmental units such as biomes may constrain adaptive radiation processes via biome conservatism in many groups, but this study leads us to hypothesize that for some lineages biome boundaries are permeable.

This paper proposes a finite-time adaptive observer with online disturbance learning for time-varying disturbed systems. By integrating parameter-dependent Lyapunov functions and slack matrix techniques, the method eliminates conservative static disturbance bounds required in prior work while guaranteeing fixed-time convergence. The proposed approach features a non-diagonal gain structure that provides superior noise rejection capabilities, demonstrating 41% better performance under measurement noise compared to conventional methods. A power systems case study demonstrates significantly improved performance, including 62% faster convergence and 63% lower steady-state error. These results are validated through LMI-based synthesis and adaptive disturbance estimation. Implementation analysis confirms the method’s feasibility for real-time systems with practical computational requirements.

Abstract This paper contributes to debates on the growing appeal of right-wing populism by combining a focus on visuality, narratives, and emotions. We argue that right-wing populists’ claims extend to establishing alternative emotion norms that collectivize feelings and their expression, and are conveyed in visual narratives. The emotional range covered by these norms transcends emotions usually associated with right-wing populism such as fear or humiliation. By employing seemingly inoffensive modes of presentation, emotional responses including indignation, compassion, and schadenfreude can be used as narrative bait for hitherto uninterested audiences. Following from that, emotion norms, such as exclusive forms of sympathy and humor, can be established. We illustrate our argument in three short case studies from Austria, France, and Italy. The conceptual and methodological insights are particularly relevant for those interested in the power of emotions, different modes of visual storytelling in world politics, and the performative effects of right-wing populist practices and narratives in politics.

Cities are often touted as climate change leaders in the USA and all cities across the country are affected by climate change, but little is known about climate action in politically conservative cities. Using document analysis and interviews, an in-depth case study of two cities in the conservative Dallas-Fort Worth region of Texas examines how public participation and cultural framing contribute to sustainability and climate change planning. One city successfully adopted sustainability plans, while the other city was unable to do so. Comparison of the two cases reveals that carefully designed public participation processes and locally relevant cultural frames can help cities educate residents, build support and expand discussion of sustainability. However, economic development, competition and political controversy prevent cities from addressing climate change explicitly or in meaningful ways, raising concerns about the capacity of cities to act as climate change leaders. 在美国，城市常常被吹捧为应对气候变化的领导者。全国所有城市都受到气候变化的影响，但 对于政治保守的城市如何应对气候变化，我们知之甚少。本文通过文件分析和访谈，对德克萨 斯州保守地区达拉斯-沃思堡的两座城市做了深入的个案研宄，考察了公众参与和文化定位如何 为可持续发展和气候变化规划做出贡献。一个城市成功采纳了可持续发展计划，而另一个城市 则未能这么做。两个案例的比较表明，精心设计的公众参与过程和具有当地相关性的文化定位 有助于城市教育居民，建立支持和扩大关于可持续发展的讨论。然而，经济发展、竞争和政治 争议妨碍了城市明确或有意义地应对气候变化，引起人们担心城市作为气候变化领导者的能力。