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149 result(s) for "Conservatism Turkey."
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Women in Turkey : silent consensus in the age of neoliberalism and Islamic conservatism
This book provides a socio-economic examination of the status of women in contemporary Turkey, assessing how policies have combined elements of neoliberalism and Islamic conservatism. Using rich qualitative and quantitative analyses, Women in Turkey analyses the policies concerning women in the areas of employment, education and health and the fundamental transformation of the construction of gender since the early 2000s. Comparing this with the situation pre-2000, the authors argue that the reconstruction of gender is part of the reshaping of the state-society relations, the state-business relationship, and the cultural changes which have taken place across the country over the last two decades. Thus, the book situates the Turkish case within the broader context of international development of neoliberalism while paying close attention to its idiosyncrasies. Adopting a political economy perspective emphasizing the material sources of gender relations, this book will be useful to students and scholars of Middle Eastern politics, political Islam and Gender Studies.
Democratic Backsliding and the Instrumentalization of Women's Rights in Turkey
This article examines the instrumentalization of women's rights and the transformation of the gender rights regime in the context of democratic backsliding in Turkey. I show how the Islamically rooted Justice and Development Party governments and their allies used women's rights in constructing authoritarian rule and promoting a conservative gender agenda. The governing elites had different needs at different political stages and instrumentalized women's rights to meet those needs. First, they needed to legitimize their rule in a secular context, so they expanded liberal laws on women's rights. Second, in the process of backsliding, they sought to construct and legitimize their conservative ideology, so they reinterpreted existing laws to promote conservative goals. Finally, they wanted to mobilize conservative women in support of the newly authoritarian regime, so they built new institutions and marginalized existing women's NGOs. The article contributes to the literature on regime types and gender rights by shifting the focus from regime type to regime change.
Conservation Biogeography of Mountain Vipers: A Phylogenetic Niche Modelling Approach
Aim Mountain vipers belonging to the Montivipera genus represent a fascinating example of neo‐endemism found in the high plateaus of Iran, Anatolia and the Caucasus. Given the conservation challenges faced by these species, it is crucial to understand their phylogenetic relationships and suitable habitats in order to implement effective conservation strategies. In this study, we integrated phylogeny and Ecological Niche Modelling (ENM) techniques to investigate the conservation biogeography of mountain vipers. Location Irano‐Anatolian, Caucasus and Levant. Methods We first reconstructed phylogenetic tree of the species, and then, by using a set of occurrence records of the identified clades and environmental variables we modelled ecological niche of the species using the MaxEnt model and PCA‐env analysis. Finally, we conducted a gap analysis to assess the conservation status of the species, taking into account their representation within Protected Areas (PAs) in the region. Results The results revealed a well‐resolved phylogenetic divergence of the species into three main clades and 12 lineages, which corresponded to their geographic distribution. Results of the MaxEnt model showed excellent predictive performance (AUC > 0.9 and TSS > 0.8) for all species. Both ENM analyses demonstrated varying levels of ecological niche conservatism, divergence and convergence across environmental gradients. The gap analysis showed a better representation of mountain vipers within Iran's PAs (20.3% overlap), particularly compared to those in Turkey (2.9%). Main Conclusions We designate mountain vipers as phylogeographic focal species due to their isolated distribution in the region's mountains and the significant overlap of their suitable habitats with paleontological refugia. We emphasise their significance in promoting PAs and prioritising conservation efforts for the region's biota.
Foreign institutional ownership and demand for accounting conservatism: evidence from an emerging market
This study investigates how foreign institutional ownership interacts with accounting conservatism in an emerging market setting. We posit that weak investor protection and a high degree of information asymmetry between insiders and outside investors increase demand for conservative reporting in firms operating in emerging markets. Foreign investors in this setting have informational disadvantages relative to their domestic peers and have difficulties in getting access to data. Using a sample of Turkish firms, we find that foreign institutions (particularly foreign corporate investors) demand more conservative reporting in the investee firms. Moreover, we show that this association is more pronounced among firms with greater asymmetric information problems and growth opportunities. Our additional tests reveal that the direction of causality flows from foreign institutional ownership to conservatism, and not vice versa.
Contesting global gender equality norms
Over the past two decades, constructivist International Relations (IR) scholars have produced substantial knowledge on the diffusion and adoption of global norms, emphasising the role of Western norm entrepreneurs in constructing and promoting new norms to passive, generally non-Western, norm takers. An emergent literature on norm dynamics unsettles this narrative of linear progress, highlighting the agency of diverse actors, including the agency of non-Western norm entrepreneurs, in normative change. This article contributes to this recent norm research by exploring the normative agency of local actors in the Turkish context, who have actively engaged in normative contestation over the meaning of gender equality. More specifically, the article reveals the crucial role of a pro-government, conservative women’s organisation in subverting global gender equality norms and in promoting a local norm of ‘gender justice’ as an alternative. The article furthers research on norm contestation by analysing the discursive strategies and justifications local norm makers have adopted in the Turkish context upon encountering norms that challenged their normative beliefs and practices. Finally, the article critically engages with postsecular feminism, highlighting the agency of a religiously informed, conservative women’s organisation as a non-Western norm entrepreneur.
Crème De La Crème Versus Âliyy’ul Âlâ: The Modernization Process of Conservative Female Identity / Âliyy’ul Âlâ: Muhafazakâr Kadın Kimliğinin Modernleşme Serüveni
The fundamental argument of the present study was that the conservativefemale identity was based on the re-generation of body within a modern and capitalistic context. The concept of body was focused on because it referred to a context included in interest of power, and it could be reconstructed forms again and again in an observable manner. The present study examined the “ÂL” Magazine was published a year ago year. The main reason for the selection of the “ÂL” Magazine was that it reflected the modernization process of the conservative female identity. In addition, the present study intended to demonstrate how the Magazine represented the stage which the conservative female identity had reached in participating in the public life after the 1980s. A distinctive characteristic of the ÂL Magazine is that it attempts to make the perception of “manhood opening a space for themselves by using political power” -a frequently constructed perception in the conservative tradition- inconsistent with the spaces they open for themselves. According to the present study, the conservative female image bears neoconservative and neo-capitalistic traces while the conservative female identity tries to take itself out of the male power within the triplet of aesthetics, admiration, and beauty.
ISLAMIC RULE AND THE EMPOWERMENT OF THE POOR AND PIOUS
Does Islamic political control affect women's empowerment? Several countries have recently experienced Islamic parties coming to power through democratic elections. Due to strong support among religious conservatives, constituencies with Islamic rule often tend to exhibit poor women's rights. Whether this reflects a causal relationship or a spurious one has so far gone unexplored. I provide the first piece of evidence using a new and unique data set of Turkish municipalities. In 1994, an Islamic party won multiple municipal mayor seats across the country. Using a regression discontinuity (RD) design, I compare municipalities where this Islamic party barely won or lost elections. Despite negative raw correlations, the RD results reveal that, over a period of six years, Islamic rule increased female secular high school education. Corresponding effects for men are systematically smaller and less precise. In the longer run, the effect on female education remained persistent up to 17 years after, and also reduced adolescent marriages. An analysis of long-run political effects of Islamic rule shows increased female political participation and an overall decrease in Islamic political preferences. The results are consistent with an explanation that emphasizes the Islamic party's effectiveness in overcoming barriers to female entry for the poor and pious.
“Are You God? Damn Your Family!”: The Islam–Gender Nexus in Right-Wing Populism and the New Generation of Muslim Feminist Activism in Turkey
This article examines young Muslim women’s dissident mentalities, practices, and subjectivities that confront the epistemological conditions whereby right-wing populist (RWP) gender politics operates in Turkey. Relying on frame theory in social movement research and the Foucauldian approach to resistance, dissent, and protest, it explores Muslim feminist critique of RWP gender discourse mainly with a focus on the following issues: (i.) Instrumentalization of the headscarf, (ii.) familialist policies, and (iii.) violence against women and the Istanbul Convention (the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence). As a result, it demonstrates that young Muslim women’s dissident mentalities and subjectivities generate a new “political project”, i.e., a set of new meanings and social goals directed at bringing about social change, which comes into being through the act of resistance against RWP gender grammar and carves out new forms of knowledge reclaiming the Islam–gender nexus for a progressive feminist agenda.
An attempt to clarify the link between cognitive style and political ideology: A non-western replication and extension
Previous studies relating low-effort or intuitive thinking to political conservatism are limited to Western cultures. Using Turkish and predominantly Muslim samples, Study 1 found that analytic cognitive style (ACS) is negatively correlated with political conservatism. Study 2 found that ACS correlates negatively with political orientation and with social and personal conservatism, but not with economic conservatism. It also examined other variables that might help to explain this correlation. Study 3 tried to manipulate ACS via two different standard priming procedures in two different samples, but our manipulation checks failed. Study 4 manipulated intuitive thinking style via cognitive load manipulation to see whether it enhances conservatism for contextualized political attitudes but we did not find a significant effect. Overall, the results indicate that social liberals tend to think more analytically than conservatives and people’s long term political attitudes may be resistant to experimental manipulations.
How Do Pronatalist Policies Impact Women’s Access to Safe Abortion Services in Turkey?
A pronatalist discourse and anti-abortion rhetoric used by prominent politicians in Turkey, prior to and following the proposed ban of abortion in 2012, have resulted in reports of women facing difficulty accessing safe abortion services (SAS), risking the resurgence of unsafe abortions. We conducted a qualitative study to identify the impact of the ongoing pronatalist discourse on women’s access to SAS, using semi-structured interviews with 19 experts (16 female, 3 male) in reproductive health, including academics, doctors, midwives, and health authorities. Participants from 4 cities (Ankara, Istanbul, Izmir, and Manisa) were identified through a combined snowball and purposive sampling technique. The findings show that the pronatalist discourse has directly and indirectly inhibited access to SAS. Women’s and health professionals’ perception of abortion services has been tainted by rhetoric; provision of SAS in the public sector is slowly ceasing; and health reform-related organizational changes have diminished access to family planning services and contraceptive methods. Provision of SAS in the private sector continues but is only accessible for women with sufficient financial means. Preventing women’s access to SAS risks a rise in unwanted pregnancies and—consequently—in the number of women who may seek dangerous alternatives, including unsafe, life-threatening abortions.