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Intro -- List of Figures, Tables, and Boxes -- List of Abbreviations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. American Factories in Mexico -- 2. The Border City of Nogales -- 3. House to House: The Method of Analysis -- 4. The History of the Maquila Industry -- 5. Are the Maquilas Sweatshops? -- 6. Liberation or Exploitation of Women Workers? -- 7. Fancy Factories and Dilapidated Dwellings -- Appendix 1. Maquilas in Nogales, Sonora, 2004 -- Appendix 2. Survey of Maquila Workers -- Notes -- Glossary -- Bibliography -- Index.

What is the relationship of global and local (country-specific) corporate social responsibility (CSR) to international organizational strategy? Applying the strategic logic of the Bartlett and Ghoshal typology to the realm of CSR, multinational firms should respond to pressures for integration and responsiveness from salient stakeholders. However, an institutional logic would suggest that multinational firms will simply replicate the existing product-market organizational strategy (multidomestic, transnational, global) in their management of CSR. These alternative approaches are tested with a survey instrument sent to MNEs operating in Mexico. The results of this study are consistent with the proposition that institutional pressures, rather than strategic analysis of social issues and stakeholders, are guiding decision-making with respect to CSR. We develop implications for MNE management and research, as well as public policy.

Purpose The purpose of this qualitative study is to compare the perceptions of employed people in Mexico and Colombia about managerial and leadership behavioural effectiveness. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative multiple cross-case and cross-nation comparative analysis of findings obtained from the two past emic replication (Mexico and Colombia) studies was conducted. Findings The study suggests that people within Mexican and Colombian organizations perceive “managerial and leadership behavioural effectiveness” in very similar ways. The findings support those researchers whose studies indicate that culture may not, as previously thought, play a significant role in the way managers should manage and lead their subordinates. Research limitations/implications The authors acknowledge two main limitations related to the sample size and scope of the two compared sets of empirical source data. The number of critical incidents about perceived managerial behavioural effectiveness obtained from the two compared studies was unbalanced (318 from the Mexican study and 267 from the Colombian study). Thus, the authors suggest more indigenous replication managerial behaviour studies be carried out in both Mexico and Colombia with the objective of identifying (if possible) the existence of critical incidents that could lead to different findings. Furthermore, the authors suggest conducting replica studies focused on specific industries rather than a diverse range of organizations to test the generalizability of the findings. Practical implications The findings of the comparative study are relevant to those human resource development professionals in international companies with operations in Mexico and/or Colombia when preparing their executives for international assignments in these Latin American countries. Originality/value The comparative study attempts to generate new insights and better understanding within the context of “managerial and leadership behavioural effectiveness” research, which the authors hope will make a useful contribution to the existing small body of knowledge regarding similarities and differences in managerial practices across culturally diverse Latin American countries.

The expansion of transnational corporations from emerging economies during the last decades has generated a great interest among scholars in analyzing the presence of reverse technology spillovers. This kind of spillovers are generated when transnational corporations use outward FDI to attract and transfer knowledge and technology from abroad to improve their own technology capabilities in their home countries. The aim of this research is to analyze the presence and impact of reverse technology spillovers on Mexican transnational firm performance innovation. Using panel data Tobit econometric models of 13 Mexican multinational corporations over the period of 1994-2015, results confirm the presence of reverse technology spillovers that could be attracted through Mexican firms’ absorptive capabilities. The paper concludes discussing the need of implementing adequate public policies to support the internationalization of the Mexican multinational corporations.

Although interest in Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in emerging markets has increased in recent years, most research still focuses on developed countries. The scant literature on the topic, which traditionally suggested that CSR was relatively underdeveloped in emerging markets, has recently explored the context specificity, suggesting that it is different and reflects the specific social and political background. This would particularly apply to local companies, not so much to foreign subsidiaries of multinationals active in emerging markets. Thus far, empirical research that systematically documents a range of CSR activities of local companies and their performance has been scarce. This paper reports the results of a survey conducted among companies in the Mexican auto industry. CSR performance was investigated across three dimensions: environmental, labor, and community, using measures from existing research and global, ' Western' standards of practice, to identify the type of CSR activities and the level of CSR performance that exists, if at all, in the emerging-market context. Results show that local companies do engage in the type of CSR activities commonly associated with CSR in developed countries. To the extent that comparisons could be made, our findings also indicate that CSR activities and levels among the sample are comparable to what is known about CSR in developed-country settings. Moreover, six of the nine CSR dimensions are intercorrelated, which suggests that CSR in the Mexican auto parts industry is more structural than incidental.

In this article we explore the relationship between the investments of multinational corporations (foreign direct investment) and income inequality in Mexico. We argue that Mexico's liberalization of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows in the 1990s provides a natural experiment to test how FDI affects income inequality in a middle-income country. We use an instrumental variables approach as our identification strategy to mitigate problems of endogeneity and omitted variable bias. In an empirical test of the determinants of changes in income inequality from 1990 to 2000, we find that increased FDI inflows are associated with a decrease in income inequality within Mexico's thirty-two states.The authors would like to thank Lawrence Broz, John Freeman, Matt Gabel, Geoff Garrett, Quan Li, Eddy Malesky, Layna Mosley, Katie Ridgeway, Pablo Pinto, John Stringer, and Andy Sobel for comments and suggestions. Jacob Gerber and Mariana Medina provided excellent research assistance. Thanks also to Patricio Aroca Gonzalez for generously providing us with his data. We acknowledge the financial support of the Weidenbaum Center on the Economy, Government, and Public Policy. Nate Jensen's contribution to this article was written as a Global Fellow at UCLA's International Institute.

The early work by Kuznets and Chenery originally developed the theme that economic development was not simply a synonym for aggregate GDP growth, but entailed qualitative changes in the structures of production, employment, and consumption. Later work in international business and economics explored the co-evolution between FDI and economic structure. We investigate the co-evolution between FDI, economic structure and export structures in the two largest Latin American economies, Brazil and Mexico, over the period 2000–2015. Both initially followed similar development strategies during the import-substitution era. During the liberalization era they followed somewhat different strategies towards maintaining the competitiveness of domestic actors. In addition to the analysis of key indicators, we discuss the role played by industrial policies—or their absence—within Brazil’s and Mexico’s development strategies. Industrial policy instruments, such as infant industry protection, subsidies, tax and financial incentives, as well as performance requirements may be crucial to shift the economic structure in the direction of the desired industries. Tracing the co-evolution between FDI and economic structures, even in the absence of statistical rigour to support causal claims, provides interesting insights for industrial policy in the twenty-first century.

'Investor Protection and Corporate Governance' analyzes the impact of corporate governance on firm performance and valuation. Using unique datasets gathered at the firm-level—the first such data in the region—and results from a homogeneous corporate governance questionnaire, the book examines corporate governance characteristics, ownership structures, dividend policies, and performance measures. The book's analysis reveals the very high levels of ownership and voting rights concentrations and monolithic governance structures in the largest samples of Latin American companies up to now, and new data emphasize the importance of specific characteristics of the investor protection regimes in several Latin American countries. By and large, those firms with better governance measures across several dimensions are granted higher valuations and thus lower cost of capital. This title will be useful to researchers, policy makers, government officials, and other professionals involved in corporate governance, economic policy, and business finance, law, and management.

Examination of the U.S.-backed wars on drugs in Colombia and Mexico reveals that, apart from the hegemonic discourse about narcotics control, these wars reinforce the power of transnational corporations over resource-rich areas owned and used by indigenous people, peasants, and the urban poor. Case studies in Mexico demonstrate that recent assassinations of activists and intimidation of communities that are organizing against large-scale mining must be understood within the framework of militarization justified in terms of an antinarcotics discourse. Drug war politics may thus be understood as a mechanism for promoting business-friendly policies and militarizing resource-rich areas. This politics is enshrined in the Mérida Initiative, which includes a national U.S.- style legal reform, modernization of the prison system, and the militarization and training of the federal police and other security forces, equipment transfers, and development funding designed to encourage foreign investment and further transnationalize the national economy. El examen de la guerra contra las drogas financiada por los Estados Unidos en Colombia y México revela que, aparte del discurso hegemónico sobre el control de narcóticos, estas guerras refuerzan el poder de las corporaciones transnacionales sobre las áreas ricas en recursos que pertenecen y son utilizadas por las comunidades indígenas, los campesinos y los pobres de las zonas urbanas. Los estudios de casos en México demuestran que los recientes asesinatos de activistas y la intimidación de las comunidades que se están organizando en contra de la minería a gran escala deben ser entendidas dentro del marco de la militarización justificada en términos de un discurso antinarcótico. La política de la guerra contra las drogas puede, por lo tanto, entenderse como un mecanismo para promover políticas favorables a los negocios y la militarización de las áreas ricas en recursos. Esta política está consagrada en la Iniciativa de Mérida, la cual incluye una reforma jurídica nacional al estilo de los Estados Unidos, la modernización del sistema de prisiones, la militarización y entrenamiento de la policía federal y otras fuerzas de seguridad, la transferencia de equipos y fondos para desarrollar políticas que promuevan la inversión extranjera y así transnacionalizar más la economía nacional.