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In 2006, Rafael Correa was elected president of Ecuador on the promise that his Citizens’ Revolution would represent “a change of era” for the country, notably through the writing of a new constitution. The indigenous concept of sumak kawsay/buen vivir, which represents, among other things, a new development paradigm based on the decommodification of nature, became the guiding principle of this new constitution. While the failed Yasuní-ITT initiative represented an innovative attempt to translate buen vivir into policies, Correa’s reliance on neo-extractivism and the repression of indigenous communities deviated dramatically from the transformative path offered by sumak kawsay. The tensions between the sumak kawsay approach enshrined in the 2008 Constitution and the policies implemented by Correa can be explained, at least partly, by the Citizens’ Revolution’s anticorporatism and the “delegative democratic regime” Correa put into place. En 2006, Rafael Correa fue elegido presidente de Ecuador con la promesa de que su Revolución Ciudadana representaría “un cambio de era” para el país, en particular a través de la redacción de una nueva constitución. El concepto indígena de sumak kawsay/buen vivir, que representa, entre otras cosas, un nuevo paradigma de desarrollo basado en la desmercantilización de la naturaleza, se convirtió en el principio rector de dicha Constitución. Si bien la fallida iniciativa Yasuní-ITT fue un intento innovador de traducir el buen vivir en políticas, la dependencia de Correa del neoextractivismo y la represión de las comunidades indígenas se desvió dramáticamente del camino transformador ofrecido por sumak kawsay. Las tensiones entre el enfoque sumak kawsay consagrado en la Constitución de 2008 y las políticas implementadas por Correa pueden explicarse, al menos en parte, a partir del anticorporativismo de la Revolución Ciudadana y el régimen de democracia delegativa establecido por Correa.

The Rafael Correa administration, usually characterized as “neo-extractivist,” did in fact propose an alternative development model that, under a particular understanding of the notion of buen vivir, aimed to overcome the country’s economic dependence on extractive activities through its gradual replacement by a knowledge-intensive economic sector. An examination of this model, some of the main policies implemented in order to configure it, and the main obstacles encountered in the process confirms the classic intuition of so-called dependency theory: that the ability of peripheral countries to overcome their reliance on commodities exports is constrained by economic and institutional mechanisms that limit their room for maneuver. La administración de Rafael Correa, generalmente caracterizada como “neoextractivista”, propuso un modelo de desarrollo alternativo que, bajo un entendimiento particular de la noción del buen vivir, tenía como objetivo superar la dependencia económica del país de las actividades extractivas a través de una sustitución gradual por un sector económico intensivo en conocimiento. Un análisis de este modelo, algunas de las principales políticas implementadas para configurarlo, y los principales obstáculos encontrados en el proceso confirman la clásica intuición de la llamada teoría de la dependencia: que la capacidad de los países periféricos para superar su dependencia de las exportaciones de productos básicos está limitada por mecanismos económicos e institucionales que limitan el margen de maniobra.

Buen vivir (good living) is an alternative postcapitalist and postdevelopmentalist paradigm born in Latin America whose concepts were incorporated into the 2008 Ecuadorian Constitution. An appraisal of the divergence between the paradigm, its legal projection, and the public policies undertaken by the so-called Citizens’ Revolution governments (2007–2017) under President Rafael Correa concludes that the structural transformations in the economic, political, social, and cultural realms envisaged by the buen vivir paradigm never took place. What Ecuadorian governments implemented during the decade was actually a capitalist neo-developmentalist scheme with some social-welfare policies of a social-democratic nature. El “buen vivir” es un paradigma postcapitalista y postdesarrollodista alternativo nacido en América Latina cuyos conceptos fueron incorporados a la Constitución ecuatoriana del 2008. Un análisis de la divergencia entre el paradigma, su proyección legal y las políticas públicas emprendidas por los llamados gobiernos de la Revolución Ciudadana (2007–2017) bajo el presidente Rafael Correa muestra que las transformaciones estructurales en los ámbitos económico, político, social y cultural previstas por el paradigma del buen vivir nunca se llevaron a cabo. Lo que implementaron los gobiernos ecuatorianos durante la década fue en realidad un esquema neo-desarrollista capitalista con algunas políticas de bienestar social de carácter socialdemócrata.

Despite persistent calls for examining the diversity of Latin America's \"pink tide,\" many scholars continue to divide the governments into a simplistic \"good\" or moderate left and a \"bad\" or radical/nationalist left. Ecuador's Rafael Correa is inevitably included with Venezuela's Hugo Chávez and Bolivia's Evo Morales as part of a triad of radical left-leaning governments in South America. While Correa, along with Chávez and Morales, has faced threats to his power from the traditional conservative oligarchy, the greatest challenges to his government have come from the social-movement left. These dissidents have criticized his administration for failing to foster transformation of the structures that exploit and oppress marginalized communities. A constant difficulty for social-movement activists has been challenging Correa from the left without strengthening a common enemy on the right. A pesar de insistentes llamados a examinar la diversidad de la llamada \"marea Rosa\" latinoamericana, muchos académicos continúan dividiendo burdamente a estos gobiernos en una izquierda moderada o \"buena\" y una izquierda nacionalista, radical y \"mala.\" Rafael Correa de Ecuador se ve incluido, inevitablemente, en el grupo de Hugo Chávez de Venezuela y Evo Morales de Bolivia, una triada de radicales de izquierda en América del Sur. Aunque Correa, junto a Chávez y Morales, ha tenido que enfrentar a la oligarquía conservadora tradicional, los mayores desafíos a su gobierno han provenido del movimiento social izquierdista. Estos disidentes han criticado a su administración por no fomentar la transformación de las estructuras que explotan y oprimen a las comunidades marginadas. Una constante dificultad para los miembros dellos movimientos sociales ha sido desafiar a Correa desde la izquierda sin así fortalecer al enemigo común que es la derecha.

How have governments in Latin America been able to counteract two decades of neoliberalism and pursue post-neoliberal developmental reforms, and what tools have they used to do so? We argue that post-neoliberal projects are possible through the use of three necessary conditions in a context of economic bonanza: (1) extensive use of the legal-constitutional framework to facilitate interventionism; (2) an increase in the centrality of public planning agencies to design those policies; and (3) growth of the bureaucracy to implement the policies. Through a case study of Rafael Correa's Ecuador, we show how a constituent assembly, empowerment of the state planning agency, and an increase in the size of the public administration allowed the president to combat neoliberalism and pursue his ambitious Buen Vivir (Good Living) plan. This simple framework offers important clues for understanding post-liberalism and the return of the state in Ecuador and beyond. ¿Cómo han podido gobiernos de América Latina contrarrestar dos décadas de neoliberalismo y adoptar reformas desarrollistas post-neoliberales, y qué herramientas han usado para logarlo? Sostenemos que los proyectos post-neoliberales son posibles gracias a tres condiciones necesarias en un contexto de bonanza económica: (1) el uso extensivo del marco legal-constitucional para facilitar el intervencionismo; (2) un incremento en la centralidad de las agencias de planeación pública para diseñar estas políticas; y (3) el crecimiento de la burocracia para implementar las políticas. A través del caso de estudio del Ecuador de Rafael Correa, mostramos cómo una asamblea constituyente, junto al empoderamiento de la agencia de planificación estatal y un incremento en el tamaño de la administración pública, han permitido al presidente combatir el neoliberalismo y perseguir su ambicioso plan del Buen Vivir. Este simple marco ofrece pistas importantes para el entendimiento del post-liberalismo y el retorno del Estado en Ecuador y otras partes. Como os governos da América Latina foram capazes de neutralizar duas décadas de neoliberalismo e buscar reformas de desenvolvimento pós-neoliberais? E de quais ferramentas eles se utilizaram para tal? Argumentamos que projetos pós-neoliberais são possíveis através do uso de três condições necessárias num contexto de bonança econômica: (1) uso extenso de um quadro legal e constitucional que facilite o intervencionismo; (2) um aumento na centralidade de agências de planejamento público para que se criem essas políticas; (3) aumento da burocracia para implementar estas políticas. Através de um estudo de caso do Equador de Rafael Correa, demonstramos como a assembléia constitucional, o empoderamento da agência de planejamento do Estado e o aumento no tamanho da administração pública permitiram que o presidente combatesse o neoliberalismo e avançasse seu ambicioso plano Buen Vivir (Bom Viver). Esse quadro simples mostra indícios importantes no entendimento do pós-neoliberalismo e o retorno do Estado no Equador e além.

Abstract The “citizen revolution” was a political project executed mainly between 2007 and 2016 by the former president of the Republic of Ecuador, Rafael Correa Delgado, under the paradigm of 21st century socialism. The main characteristic of this project was to introduce a new political agenda to the country that was differentiated from past agendas, by focusing on issues such as the recognition of new rights, improvements to education, instituting a new economic model, and strengthening government and sovereignty, among others. Under this context, this work aims to analyze the political attention of the ex-president, explaining why some issues are more important than others, and why they varied over time. Based on a conceptual framework that takes ideas from the agenda-setting theory, the areas on which the political agenda concentrates are measured by the Shannon entropy index, and its various changes are explained as the results of preferences, institutional factors, and external events. The analysis is based on extensive database analyses of 10 years (covering Rafael Correa’s presidency) of government speeches, which are coded according to the methodology of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP). To the best of our knowledge, this paper is the first work to apply the CAP methodology in Ecuador. Resumo A “revolução cidadã” foi o projeto político realizado principalmente pelo ex-presidente da República do Equador, Rafael Correa Delgado, sob o paradigma do socialismo do século XXI entre 2007 e 2016. Esse projeto foi caracterizado por estabelecer uma nova agenda política no país, diferenciando-se do passado, concentrando-se em questões como reconhecimento de novos direitos, melhoria da educação, proposta de um novo modelo econômico e fortalecimento do governo e da soberania, entre outros. Nesse contexto, este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a atenção política na agenda do ex-presidente da república, explicar por que algumas questões são mais importantes que outras e por que há variações nelas ao longo do tempo. Com base em uma estrutura conceitual que retira ideias da teoria da definição da agenda, a concentração da agenda política é medida através do índice de entropia de Shannon e as diferentes mudanças nele são explicadas como resultado de preferências, atritos institucionais e eventos externos. A análise é baseada em extensas bases de dados de 10 anos de discursos governamentais (presidência de Rafael Correa), codificados de acordo com a metodologia do Projeto de agendas comparativas (PAC). Até onde sabemos, este é o primeiro trabalho que aplica essa metodologia no Equador. Resumen La “revolución ciudadana” fue el proyecto político ejecutado principalmente por el expresidente de la República del Ecuador, Rafael Correa Delgado, bajo el paradigma del socialismo del siglo XXI, entre 2007 y 2016. Este proyecto se caracterizó por establecer una nueva agenda política en el país, diferenciándose de las pasadas, enfocándose en temas como el reconocimiento de nuevos derechos, mejora de la educación, propuesta un nuevo modelo económico y el fortalecimiento del gobierno y la soberanía entre otros. Bajo este contexto, este trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar la atención política de la agenda del expresidente de la república, explicar por qué algunos temas son más importantes que otros y por qué hay variaciones en ellos a lo largo del tiempo. Con base en un marco conceptual que toma ideas de la teoría del establecimiento de la agenda, se mide la concentración de la agenda política a través del índice de entropía de Shannon y se explican los diferentes cambios en ella a raíz de las preferencias, las fricciones institucionales y los eventos externos. El análisis se basa en extensas bases de datos sobre 10 años de discursos del gobierno (presidencia de Rafael Correa), que están codificados de acuerdo con la metodología del Proyecto de Agendas Comparadas (PAC). Por lo que conocemos, este es el primer trabajo que aplica esta metodología en Ecuador.

The \"citizen revolution\" was a political project executed mainly between 2007 and 2016 by the former president of the Republic of Ecuador, Rafael Correa Delgado, under the paradigm of 21st century socialism. The main characteristic of this project was to introduce a new political agenda to the country that was differentiated from past agendas, by focusing on issues such as the recognition of new rights, improvements to education, instituting a new economic model, and strengthening government and sovereignty, among others. Under this context, this work aims to analyze the political attention of the ex-president, explaining why some issues are more important than others, and why they varied over time. Based on a conceptual framework that takes ideas from the agenda-setting theory, the areas on which the political agenda concentrates are measured by the Shannon entropy index, and its various changes are explained as the results of preferences, institutional factors, and external events. The analysis is based on extensive database analyses of 10 years (covering Rafael Correa's presidency) of government speeches, which are coded according to the methodology of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP). To the best of our knowledge, this paper is the first work to apply the CAP methodology in Ecuador. Keywords: agenda setting; issue agendas; executive speeches; political attention; Rafael Correa. A \"revolucao cidada\" foi o projeto politico realizado principalmente pelo ex-presidente da Republica do Equador, Rafael Correa Delgado, sob o paradigma do socialismo do seculo XXI entre 2007 e 2016. Esse projeto foi caracterizado por estabelecer uma nova agenda politica no pais, diferenciando-se do passado, concentrando-se em questoes como reconhecimento de novos direitos, melhoria da educacao, proposta de um novo modelo economico e fortalecimento do governo e da soberania, entre outros. Nesse contexto, este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a atencao politica na agenda do ex-presidente da republica, explicar por que algumas questoes sao mais importantes que outras e por que ha variacoes nelas ao longo do tempo. Com base em uma estrutura conceitual que retira ideias da teoria da definicao da agenda, a concentracao da agenda politica e medida atraves do indice de entropia de Shannon e as diferentes mudancas nele sao explicadas como resultado de preferencias, atritos institucionais e eventos externos. A analise e baseada em extensas bases de dados de 10 anos de discursos governamentais (presidencia de Rafael Correa), codificados de acordo com a metodologia do Projeto de agendas comparativas (PAC). Ate onde sabemos, este e o primeiro trabalho que aplica essa metodologia no Equador. Palavras-chave: agenda; agendas tematicas; discursos executivos; atencao politica; Rafael Correa. La \"revolucion ciudadana\" fue el proyecto politico ejecutado principalmente por el expresidente de la Republica del Ecuador, Rafael Correa Delgado, bajo el paradigma del socialismo del siglo XXI, entre 2007 y 2016. Este proyecto se caracterizo por establecer una nueva agenda politica en el pais, diferenciandose de las pasadas, enfocandose en temas como el reconocimiento de nuevos derechos, mejora de la educacion, propuesta un nuevo modelo economico y el fortalecimiento del gobierno y la soberania entre otros. Bajo este contexto, este trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar la atencion politica de la agenda del expresidente de la republica, explicar por que algunos temas son mas importantes que otros y por que hay variaciones en ellos a lo largo del tiempo. Con base en un marco conceptual que toma ideas de la teoria del establecimiento de la agenda, se mide la concentracion de la agenda politica a traves del indice de entropia de Shannon y se explican los diferentes cambios en ella a raiz de las preferencias, las fricciones institucionales y los eventos externos. El analisis se basa en extensas bases de datos sobre 10 anos de discursos del gobierno (presidencia de Rafael Correa), que estan codificados de acuerdo con la metodologia del Proyecto de Agendas Comparadas (PAC). Por lo que conocemos, este es el primer trabajo que aplica esta metodologia en Ecuador. Palabras clave: establecimiento de agenda; agendas tematicas; discursos presidenciales; atencion politica; Rafael Correa.

This article explores the perception of Ecuadorian population concerning the political style of Presidents Rafael Correa and Lenín Moreno and their links to populism, one of the most interesting features of the Ecuadorian political arena. The analysis is based on a survey designed and applied by the authors at a national level. The quantitative data was interpreted using linear multiple regression models, to understand which of the variables analyzed can explain the perception of the interviewees. The results were extrapolated by using a descriptive statistical analysis (means, standard deviation and correlation matrix). The article shows that a difference between Correa and Moreno's styles exists and this difference is clearly perceived by Ecuadorian population. While populist features are strongly identified in Correa's political style, they are less remarked in Moreno's rhetoric and action. This difference marks a discontinuity in the use of populism in the political style of the two presidents.

The indigenous movement in Ecuador has been among the most successful new social movements in Latin America since the late 1980s. Its success may be attributed to its formulation and persistent advocacy of an alternative to the changing manifestations of the capitalist order—the \"plurinational state.\" This position has organized and motivated the movement for the past 20 years, in the course of which it has gained access to the center of economic policy for a time and more recently has operated with greater autonomy. The struggle for plurinationalism remains at the core of the indigenous movement's approach to the current progressive government of President Rafael Correa and provides a distinctly anticapitalist alternative. Though the new constitution embodies elements of the movement's program, there remain fundamental areas of disagreement on the meaning and realization of the plurinational state.

The recent political, economic and social histories of Bolivia and Ecuador point to a broader, post-neoliberal trend emerging in Latin America. Presidents Evo Morales and Rafael Correa have closely followed the basic model of twenty-first-century socialism as an alternative to free market capitalism. In theory, both leaders have successfully re-founded their countries with new constitutions that encompass the interests of all sectors of society. In practice, however, we argue that a volatile economic climate, poorly implemented reforms, increased opposition, and low political tolerance all indicate limitations to the viability of twenty-first-century socialism as a post-neoliberal development model.