Explore the vast range of titles available.

From the analysis of specific cases there is evidence that loyalty to the king, as a result of a response to \"juntismo\", of the early 19th Century, was a political and practical option for the indigenous population of the Audiencia de Quito. Se ordenó que estas disposiciones se hicieron saber por medio de los párrocos en todos los puntos América y \"conste por este medio a aquellos dignos súbditos, el desvelo y solicitud paternal con que la Nación entera, representada por las Cortes Generales y Extraordinarias se ocupa en la felicidad de todos y cada uno de ellos\".33 Estos argumentos aseguraban a la población indígena que eran parte de la monarquía y con ello, tal como señala Echeverri, el realismo les dio la oportunidad de redefinir su situación al interior de la monarquía, se tornó en una opción política viable para la población indígena y tal vez una opción más clara y palpable que la insurgencia, que apelaba a una soberanía popular que aún no se terminaba de entender fuera del marco de la monarquía. Marcela Echeverri, \"Popular Royalists, Empire, and Politics in Southwestern New Granada, 1809-1819\", Hispanic American Historical Review 91:2 (2011): 240-241, http://hahr. Hispanic American Historical Review 91:2 (2011): 237-269. http://hahr.dukejournals.org/content/91/2/237.abstract. _.

Two hundred years ago, the counterrevolution of Vila-Francada triumphed, putting an end to the first modern constitutional experience in Portugal. Immediately afterwards, king D. João VI decided to repeal the 1822 Constitution and to invalidate the reforms adopted under it, in order to erase the memory of the previous constitutional regime. At the same time, starting with a spontaneous initiative of the city council of Sernancelhe, a local movement was launched towards the annulment of the elections to the Cortes under Vintismoand the repeal the powers granted to the elected representatives. This article deals with both initiatives, the royal and the local one, considering above all that the municipal initiative against the Vintismo elections has been practically ignored and is very little known by the current historiography.

Counterrevolutions have received far less scholarly attention than revolutions, despite their comparable importance in shaping the modern political world. This article defines counterrevolutions as collective and reactive efforts to defend the status quo and its varied range of dominant elites against a credible threat to overturn them from below. Unlike analysts who see the origins of political order lying in mass-mobilizing revolutionary parties, the authors illuminate the distinctive order-producing attributes of elite-protecting counterrevolutionary parties. A comparative-historical analysis of five former British colonies in Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa elaborates the causal mechanisms through which counterrevolutions can produce exceedingly durable, although not invincible, political orders.

What type of revolutions are most vulnerable to counterrevolutions? I argue that violent revolutions are less likely than nonviolent ones to be reversed because they produce regimes with strong and loyal armies that are able to defeat counterrevolutionary threats. I leverage an original dataset of counterrevolutions from 1900 to 2015, which allows us for the first time to document counterrevolutionary emergence and success worldwide. These data reveal that revolutions involving more violence are less at risk of counterrevolution and that this relationship exists primarily because violence lowers the likelihood of counterrevolutionary success—but not counterrevolutionary emergence. I demonstrate mechanisms by comparing Cuba’s nonviolent 1933 uprising (which succumbed to a counterrevolution) and its 1959 revolutionary insurgency (which defeated multiple counterrevolutions). Though nonviolence may be superior to violence when it comes to toppling autocrats, it is less effective in bringing about lasting change and guaranteeing that these autocrats never return.