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This meta-analysis quantitatively compiled the results of studies from 1992 to 2009 to determine the prevalence and types of victimization experienced by lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) individuals. Based on the results of three searches, 386 studies were retrieved and coded. Comparisons were made across all LGB individuals (138 studies), between LGB and heterosexual individuals (65 studies), and between LGB females and males (53 studies), with over 500,000 participants. Multiple types of victimization were coded, including discrimination, physical assault, and school victimization. Findings revealed that for LGB individuals, reports of victimization experiences were substantial (e.g., 55% experienced verbal harassment, and 41% experienced discrimination) and some types have increased since a 1992 review, while others have decreased. LGB individuals experienced greater rates of victimization than heterosexual individuals (range: d = .04-.58). LGB males experienced some types of victimization more than LGB females (e.g., weapon assault and being robbed) but, overall, the gender differences were small. It can be concluded that LGB individuals still experience a substantial amount of victimization. Implications for research methods are discussed, including recommendations for sampling and measurement of victimization. [Supplementary materials are available for this article. Go to the publisher's online edition of Journal of Sex Research for the following free supplemental resource(s): Supplementary Tables. These tables are referred to in the text of this article as \"Table S1,\" \"Table S2,\" etc.]

This study investigated whether attitudinal variables, such as benevolent and hostile sexism toward men and women, female rape myth acceptance, and tolerance of sexual harassment are related to women labeling their sexual assault experiences as rape. In a sample of 276 female college students, 71 (25.7%) reported at least one experience that met the operational definition of rape, although only 46.5% of those women labeled the experience \"rape.\" Benevolent sexism, tolerance of sexual harassment, and rape myth acceptance, but not hostile sexism, significantly predicted labeling of previous sexual assault experiences by the victims. Specifically, those with more benevolent sexist attitudes toward both men and women, greater rape myth acceptance, and more tolerant attitudes of sexual harassment were less likely to label their past sexual assault experience as rape. The results are discussed for their clinical and theoretical implications.

Interpersonal violence has physical, emotional, educational, social, and economic implications. Although there is interest in empowering young people to challenge harmful norms, there is scant research on how individual agency, and, specifically, the \"power to\" resist or bring about an outcome relates to peer violence perpetration and victimization in early adolescence. This manuscript explores the relationship between individual agency and peer violence perpetration and victimization among very young adolescents (VYAs) living in two urban poor settings in sub-Saharan Africa (Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Blantyre, Malawi). The study draws on two cross-sectional surveys including 2,540 adolescents 10 to 14 years from Kinshasa in 2017 (girls = 49.8% and boys = 50.2%) and 1,213 from Blantyre in 2020 (girls = 50.7% and boys = 49.3%). The sample was school based in Malawi but included in-school and out-of-school participants in Kinshasa due to higher levels of early school dropout. Peer violence in the last 6 months (dependent variable) was defined as a four categorical variable: (1) no victimization or perpetration; (2) victimization only; (3) perpetration only; and (4) both victimization and perpetration. Agency was operationalized using 3 scales: freedom of movement, voice, and decision-making, which were further divided into tertiles. Univariate analysis and multivariable multinomial logistic regressions were conducted to evaluate the relationships between each agency indicator and peer violence. The multivariable regression adjusted for individual, family, peer, and community level covariates. All analyses were stratified by gender and site. In both sites, adolescents had greater voice and decision-making power than freedom of movement, and boys had greater freedom of movement than girls. Boys in both settings were more likely to report peer violence in the last six months than girls (40% to 50% versus 32% to 40%, p < 0.001), mostly due to higher rates of a perpetration-victimization overlap (18% to 23% versus 10% to 15%, p < 0.001). Adolescents reporting the greatest freedom of movement (Tertile 3) (with the exception of girls in Kinshasa) had a greater relative risk ratio (RRR) of reporting a perpetrator-victim overlap (boys Kinshasa: RRR = 1.9 (1.2 to 2.8, p = 0.003); boys Blantyre: RRR = 3.8 (1.7 to 8.3, p = 0.001); and girls Blantyre: RRR = 2.4 (1.1 to 5.1, p = 0.03)). Adolescents with the highest decision-making power in Kinshasa also had greater RRR of reporting a perpetrator-victim overlap (boys: RRR = 3.0 (1.8 to 4.8, p < 0.001). Additionally, girls and boys in Kinshasa with intermediate decision-making power (tertile 2 versus 1) had a lower RRR of being victimized (Girls: RRR = 1.7 (1.02 to 2.7, p = 0.04); Boys: RRR = 0.6 (0.4 to 0.9, p = 0.01)). Higher voice among boys in Kinshasa (Tertile 2: RRR = 1.9 (1.2 to 2.9, p = 0.003) and Tertile 3: 1.8 (1.2 to 2.8, p = 0.009)) and girls in Blantyre (Tertile 2: 2.0 (1.01 to 3.9, p = 0.048)) was associated with a perpetrator-victim overlap, and girls with more voice in Blantyre had a greater RRR of being victimized (Tertile 2: RRR = 1.9 (1.1 to 3.1, p = 0.02)). Generally, associations were stronger for boys than girls, and associations often differed when victimization and perpetration occurred in isolation of each other. A main limitation of this study is that the cross-sectional nature of the data does not allow a causal interpretation of the findings, which need further longitudinal exploration to establish temporality. In this study, we observed that peer violence is a gendered experience that is related to young people's agency. This stresses the importance of addressing interpersonal violence in empowerment programs and of including boys who experience the greatest perpetration-victimization overlap.

Bullying comes in different forms, yet most previous genetically-sensitive studies have not distinguished between them. Given the serious consequences and the high prevalence of bullying, it is remarkable that the aetiology of bullying and its different forms has been under-researched. We present the first study to investigate the genetic architecture of bullying perpetration, bullying victimization, and their co-occurrence for verbal, physical and relational bullying. Primary-school teachers rated 8215 twin children on bullying perpetration and bullying victimization. For each form of bullying, we investigated, through genetic structural equation modelling, the genetic and environmental influences on being a bully, a victim or both. 34% of the children were involved as bully, victim, or both. The correlation between being a bully and being a victim varied from 0.59 (relational) to 0.85 (physical). Heritability was ~ 70% for perpetration and ~ 65% for victimization, similar in girls and boys, yet both were somewhat lower for the relational form. Shared environmental influences were modest and more pronounced among girls. The correlation between being a bully and being a victim was explained mostly by genetic factors for verbal (~ 71%) and especially physical (~ 77%) and mostly by environmental factors for relational perpetration and victimization (~ 60%). Genes play a large role in explaining which children are at high risk of being a victim, bully, or both. For victimization this suggests an evocative gene-environment correlation: some children are at risk of being exposed to bullying, partly due to genetically influenced traits. So, genetic influences make some children more vulnerable to become a bully, victim or both.

For women, any one type of abuse rarely occurs in isolation of other types, and a single abusive experience is often the exception rather than the norm. The importance of this concept of the cumulative nature of abuse and its negative impact on health has been well recognized within the empirical literature, however there has been little consensus on what to call this phenomenon or how to study it. For the most part researchers have operated on the premise that it is the sheer number of different types of cumulating abuse experiences that is primarily responsible for worse health outcomes among women. And although this simplistic ‘more is worse’ approach to conceptualizing and operationalizing cumulative abuse has proven to be a powerful predictor of poorer health, it contradicts growing empirical evidence that suggests not all victimizations are created equal and that some victimizations may have a more deleterious effect on health than others. Embedded in abuse histories are individual and abuse characteristics as well as other life adversities that need to be considered in order to fully understand the spectrum and magnitude of cumulative abuse and its impact on women’s health. Furthermore, given the long-term and persistent effects of abuse on health it becomes imperative to not only evaluate recent abusive experiences, but rather all abuse experiences occurring across the lifespan. This review highlights and evaluates the conceptual, operational, and methodological challenges posed by our current methods of studying and understanding the phenomenon of cumulative abuse and suggests that this phenomenon and its relationship to health is much more complex than research is currently portraying. This paper calls for the urgent need for interdisciplinary collaboration in order to more effectively and innovatively study the phenomenon of cumulative abuse.

Despite high rates of sexual assault among college women, most victims do not label the experience as sexual assault or rape. Prior research examining labeling of sexual victimization has focused on women's characterization of rape experiences as either not victimization or victimization. This study extends prior research by exploring factors associated with labeling various forms of sexual victimization as \"not victimization,\" a \"serious miscommunication,\" or a \"sexual assault, date rape, rape, or crime.\" A sample of 1,060 college women reported on their experiences of sexual victimization since the age of 14 years. Women who reported experiences of prior sexual victimization (n = 371) indicated their level of acquaintance with the assailant, assault disclosure, substance use at time of assault, attributions of self- and perpetrator-blame for the assault, and labeling of the experience. Most women who reported experiences of sexual victimization did not self-identify as victims, and 38% labeled sexual victimization as a serious miscommunication. Greater acquaintance with the perpetrator, higher behavioral self-blame, and victim substance use at the time of the assault were associated with labeling sexual assault experiences as a serious miscommunication. Implications are discussed.

Abbreviations: HCP, healthcare provider; HT, human trafficking; ICD-10-US, International Classification of Diseases, version 10-United States; ICD-11, International Classification of Diseases, version 11; ICMEC, International Centre for Missing and Exploited Children; SDG, Sustainable Development Goal; WHO, World Health Organization Provenance: Not commissioned; externally peer reviewed. [...]critical information is lost or inaccessible because it is buried within general data on sexual abuse and assault—conditions that do not share many of the characteristics of labor and sex trafficking. Trafficked persons may experience myriad adverse health sequelae [4–6], including traumatic injury from work-related accidents and sexual and physical assault, sexually transmitted and other infections, chronic untreated medical conditions, pregnancy and related complications, malnutrition, complications of substance use disorders, post-traumatic stress disorder, major depression, and suicidality. [...]healthcare professionals have a role in preventing HT by identifying those at risk and offering services to address vulnerabilities.

Bullying and cyberbullying are highly prevalent in today’s society. However, the personality profiles of different roles involved in this phenomenon remain little known. This study aims (1) to examine the association between bullying and cyberbullying in adolescents; and (2) to analyze the relationship between bullying and cyberbullying in terms of the domains and facets of the five-factor model (FFM). A total of 910 adolescents aged 12 to 19 years old participated. They were administered self-report assessments of aggression and victimization in bullying and cyberbullying, as well as the JS-NEO-S questionnaire. The results provide evidence of co-occurrence between bullying and cyberbullying (p < .001). We observed higher neuroticism in victims and aggressor-victims, higher openness in victims, higher agreeableness in victims and non-aggressor non-victims and higher conscientiousness in non-aggressor non-victims as compared with the rest of the groups (p < .001). Comparison of the four cyberbullying groups showed that cybervictims score higher in neuroticism and openness, cybervictims and non-cybervictims non-cyberaggressors score higher in agreeableness and non-cybervictims non-cyberaggressors score higher in conscientiousness (p < .001) In conclusion, this study provides a broad, systematic view of the personality traits associated with different roles implicated in traditional bullying and cyberbullying.

Background: Intimate partner violence (IPV) is the most frequent type of violence against women. We compared clinical and radiological IPV characteristics to stranger assault (SA). Methods: We retrospectively identified 123 women with IPV from court reports and matched them to 124 SA. Clinical and radiological characteristics were evaluated by testing their sensitivity, specificity, positive and negative predictive value for IPV, and the strength of their association with IPV. Results: IPV women referred with more delay to the emergency department (ED), had more ED accesses, and showed more mismatch between reports to the triage and disclosures to the ED physician. They also displayed more head, neck, and face injuries, and new-plus-old fractures. Conclusion: The identification of specific features may help ED physicians to suspect IPV.

Most interest in violence and gender has focused on certain types of victimization such as sex offenses and relational aggression. This study examined gender patterns across numerous forms of youth victimization. The data are from the National Survey of Children's Exposure to Violence (NatSCEV), a nationally representative U.S. sample of 4,549 children ages 1 month to 17 years obtained through a telephone survey of caregivers and youth. For 18 of 21 victimization types, male perpetration was significantly more common than female perpetration. Perpetrator-victim patterns revealed that most forms of physical assault and bullying showed a predominantly male-on-male pattern. All forms of sexual assault, plus kidnapping, showed a predominantly male-on-female pattern. Nonphysical maltreatment showed a mixed pattern, with fairly similar rates across all four gender configurations. Many violence types were more severe when perpetrated by males versus females as indicated by higher injury rates and greater victim fear. Higher order analyses by victimization type indicated, among other findings, that victimization types with more stranger perpetrators had more male perpetrators, victimizations with higher percentages of male-on-female and female-on-male incidents were more likely to be sexual offenses, and higher percentages of female-on-female incidents were associated with verbal victimizations. Results also suggest that males are more likely to aggress in more impersonal contexts compared to females. Gender socialization, physical power, and social power appear to intersect in ways that create gendered patterns of violence. These factors, versus a focus on skills deficits, need more attention in prevention and intervention.