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The Times Literary Supplement calls Louis A. Pérez Jr. the foremost historian of Cuba writing in English. In this new edition of his acclaimed 1990 volume, he brings his expertise to bear on the history and direction of relations between Cuba and the United States. Of all the peoples in Latin America, the author argues, none have been more familiar to the United States than Cubans--who in turn have come to know their northern neighbors equally well. Focusing on what President McKinley called the ties of singular intimacy linking the destinies of the two societies, Pérez examines the points at which they have made contact--politically, culturally, economically--and explores the dilemmas that proximity to the United States has posed to Cubans in their quest for national identity. This edition has been updated to cover such developments of recent years as the renewed debate over American trade sanctions against Cuba, the Elián González controversy, and increased cultural exchanges between the two countries. Also included are a new preface and an updated bibliographical essay.

José Martí (1853–1895) was the founding hero of Cuban independence. In all of modern Latin American history, arguably only the “Great Liberator\" Simón Bolívar rivals Martí in stature and legacy. Beyond his accomplishments as a revolutionary and political thinker, Martí was a giant of Latin American letters, whose poetry, essays, and journalism still rank among the most important works of the region. Today he is revered by both the Castro regime and the Cuban exile community, whose shared veneration of the “apostle\" of freedom has led to his virtual apotheosis as a national saint. In José Martí: A Revolutionary Life, Alfred J. López presents the definitive biography of the Cuban patriot and martyr. Writing from a nonpartisan perspective and drawing on years of research using original Cuban and U.S. sources, including materials never before used in a Martí biography, López strips away generations of mythmaking and portrays Martí as Cuba’s greatest founding father and one of Latin America’s literary and political giants, without suppressing his public missteps and personal flaws. In a lively account that engrosses like a novel, López traces the full arc of Martí’s eventful life, from his childhood and adolescence in Cuba, to his first exile and subsequent life in Spain, Mexico City, and Guatemala, through his mature revolutionary period in New York City and much-mythologized death in Cuba on the battlefield at Dos Ríos. The first major biography of Martí in over half a century and the first ever in English, José Martí is the most substantial examination of Martí’s life and work ever published.

Most Americans familiar with General John J. \"Black Jack\" Pershing know him as the commander of American Expeditionary Forces in Europe during the latter days of World War I. But Pershing was in his late fifties by then. Pershing's military career began in 1886, with his graduation from West Point and his first assignments in the American West as a horsebound cavalry officer during the final days of Apache resistance in the Southwest, where Arizona and New Mexico still represented a frontier of blue-clad soldiers, Native Americans, cowboys, rustlers, and miners. But the Southwest was just the beginning of Pershing's West. He would see assignments over the years in the Dakotas, during the Ghost Dance uprising and the battle of Wounded Knee; a posting at Montana's Fort Assiniboine; and, following his years in Asia, a return to the West with a posting at the Presidio in San Francisco and a prolonged assignment on the Mexican-American border in El Paso, which led to his command of the Punitive Expedition, tasked with riding deep into Northern Mexico to capture the pistolero Pancho Villa. During those thirty years from West Point to the Western Front, Pershing had a colorful and varied military career, including action during the Spanish-American War and lengthy service in the Philippines. Both were new versions of the American frontier abroad, even as the frontier days of the American West were closing. All of Pershing's experiences in the American West prepared him for his ultimate assignment as the top American commander during the Great War. If the American frontier and, more broadly, the American West provided a cauldron in which Americans tested themselves during the nineteenth century, they did the same for John Pershing. His story was a historical Western.

From 1895 to 1898, Cuban insurgents fought to free their homeland from Spanish rule. Though often overshadowed by the \"Splendid Little War\" of the Americans in 1898, according to John Tone, the longer Spanish-Cuban conflict was in fact more remarkable, foreshadowing the wars of decolonization in the twentieth century.Employing newly released evidence--including hospital records, intercepted Cuban letters, battle diaries from both sides, and Spanish administrative records--Tone offers new answers to old questions concerning the war. He examines the origin of Spain's genocidal policy of \"reconcentration\"; the causes of Spain's military difficulties; the condition, effectiveness, and popularity of the Cuban insurgency; the necessity of American intervention; and Spain's supposed foreknowledge of defeat.The Spanish-Cuban-American war proved pivotal in the histories of all three countries involved. Tone's fresh analysis will provoke new discussions and debates among historians and human rights scholars as they reexamine the war in which the concentration camp was invented, Cuba was born, Spain lost its empire, and America gained an overseas empire.From 1895 to 1898, Cuban insurgents fought to free their homeland from Spanish rule. Though often overshadowed by the \"Splendid Little War\" of the Americans in 1898, according to John Tone, the longer Spanish-Cuban conflict was in fact more remarkable, foreshadowing the wars of decolonization in the twentieth century.Employing newly released evidence, Tone offers new answers to old questions concerning the war. He examines the origin of Spain's genocidal policy of \"reconcentration\"; the causes of Spain's military difficulties; the condition, effectiveness, and popularity of the Cuban insurgency; the necessity of American intervention; and Spain's supposed foreknowledge of defeat. The Spanish-Cuban-American war proved pivotal in the histories of all three countries involved. Tone's fresh analysis introduces new topics for discussion and debate among historians and human rights scholars as they reexamine the war in which the concentration camp was invented, Cuba was born, Spain lost its last American colonies, and America gained an overseas empire.-->.

José Dolores Poyo (1836-1911) was an activist, publisher, social critic, fundraiser, and foundational figure in the campaign for Cuban independence from Spain. His leadership and his mantra--\"adelante la revolución\" (forward the revolution)--mobilized an insurrectionist movement in Key West. His multidimensional grassroots work and his newspaperEl Yara, the longest-lived Cuban exile newspaper of the nineteenth century, gave hope to a people who aspired to be liberated from the bonds of colonialism. In Exile and Revolution, Gerald Poyo provides a comprehensive account of how his great-great-grandfather spurred the working-class community of Key West to transform from supporting cast to critical actors in the struggle for Cuban independence. The book reveals the depth of Cuba's longtime ties to Florida, the cigar industry, and its workers; the experience of Cubans in the American South; and the diplomatic intrigues involving Spain, Cuba, and the United States.

The Times Literary Supplement calls Louis A. Pérez Jr. \"the foremost historian of Cuba writing in English.\" In this new edition of his acclaimed 1990 volume, he brings his expertise to bear on the history and direction of relations between Cuba and the United States. Of all the peoples in Latin America, the author argues, none have been more familiar to the United States than Cubans--who in turn have come to know their northern neighbors equally well. Focusing on what President McKinley called \"the ties of singular intimacy\" linking the destinies of the two societies, Pérez examines the points at which they have made contact--politically, culturally, economically--and explores the dilemmas that proximity to the United States has posed to Cubans in their quest for national identity. This edition has been updated to cover such developments of recent years as the renewed debate over American trade sanctions against Cuba, the Elián González controversy, and increased cultural exchanges between the two countries. Also included are a new preface and an updated bibliographical essay.

Las Antilla españolas fueron una excepción en el proceso de independencia americana. En el caso de Cuba, del que se ocupa el presente artículo, las élites habaneras, en pleno proceso de expansión económica del azúcar, promovieron en 1808 una Junta, la primera del Nuevo Mundo, que se vería finalmente frustrada ante el peligro de división en el grupo social hegemónico, el recurso a la muchedumbre de una de sus fracciones y la intervención de grupos de color en las algaradas. El estudio ofrece una reconstrucción del proceso y vincula esta experiencia con demandas en las que los aspectos doctrinales resultan inseparables de los intereses de grupo, privilegiando en nuestro análisis la relación entre expresión de una conciencia en construcción y condición social. /// The Spanish Antilles were an exception in the independence process in the Americas. This article deals with the case of Cuba, where the Havanna elites, in full economic expansion with the sugar business, promoted a Junta in 1808, the first one in the New World. This Junta failed eventually, due to the threat of divisions in the hegemonic social group, to the use of crowds by one of its factions, and to the intervention of groups of black people in the outcries. The author offers a reconstruction of this process and links the experience with certain demands in which doctrinary aspects become inseparable from group interests; at every moment, the analysis highlights the relation between social conditions and the expression of a consciousness in process of formation.

La historiografía cubana tradicional explica la fidelidad de la perla de las Antillas durante las revoluciones americanas por razón del miedo al intimidante ejército español acuartelado en la isla y por miedo a que cualquier división política diera aliento a una sublevación de la masiva población esclava. Este artículo plantea la tesis de que el asunto fue mucho más complicado que lo que estas explicaciones dan a entender. Por una parte, el ejército de la isla llegó a estar esencialmente controlado por cubanos y, por otra, un movimiento revolucionario nació entre los elementos ilustrados; pero falló por la oposición abrumadora que surgió dentro de la propia clase criolla. La fidelidad cubana no se explica actualmente tanto por los temores como por las relaciones positivas que se crearon entre la corona española y las elites cubanas durante el siglo XVIII, sobre todo durante el reinado de Carlos III, relaciones que resultaron sumamente ventajosas para los azucareros que dominaban la vida económica y política de la isla.

La última guerra hispano-cubana comenzó en 1895 mostrando la superioridad del ejército mambí, como lo acredita la “invasión” de las provincias occidentales de la isla por Gómez y Maceo. Sin embargo, el curso de la contienda experimentó, aunque lentamente, un giro favorable a las tropas españolas, dirigidas por el general Weyler durante los dos años siguientes, restableciéndose el dominio español en casi todo el territorio al oeste de la “trocha”. El cambio de gobierno a raíz del asesinato de Cánovas trajo como consecuencia un cambio de política —la concesión de la autonomía por Sagasta— y la sustitución de Weyler, víctima de una campaña de desprestigio en la misma España, por el general Blanco. Esto acarreó una demora en el inicio de la campaña de 1897-1898 y un cambio en el plan de operaciones, pero Blanco y su segundo Pando reanudaron la ofensiva, ahora sobre todo en Oriente y Camagüey, preparando una ya próxima victoria final. Esa victoria, sin embargo, les fue arrebatada a los generales españoles por la intervención norteamericana.

The work is the result of investigation in Colombians archives, journals, newspapers of the period, biographis and also in writings of Colombians and Cubans historians. The subject is the expedition of 60 volunteers to fight at the cuban side in \"The Ten Years War\" during 1868-1878, the interamerican mediation proposed by the Colombian Government to obtain the cuban independence and the economic help given by the society of Bogota. /// El trabajo es el fruto de la investigación en archivos colombianos, revistas y periódicos de la época, biografías y obras de historiadores colombianos y cubanos. Tema muy poco conocido y no abordado íntegramente en las historias de ambos países: la expedición de 60 voluntarios que combatieron al lado de los cubanos en la \"Guerra de los Diez Años\" (1868-1878), la mediación interamericana propuesta por el Gobierno de Colombia para lograr la independencia cubana, y la simpatía y ayuda económica de la sociedad bogotana.