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Globalization has made the world so interwoven and interlocked that all social institutions have to be inevitably open to the global networks and flows of wealth, power, and information. Moreover, since the values and lifestyles of the developing countries are the focus of the globalization waves, these waves pound the cultures of these countries in the first place. In fact, globalization has posed numerous challenges to the autonomy of the developing countries. Hence, cultural independence can function as a strong barrier to globalization. Moreover, globalization provides all countries with proper opportunities, and various cultures can grow through mutual interactions and cultural synergies when time and space are downscaled and geographical boundaries are overstepped. Therefore, analyzing the globalization-induced challenges and opportunities of cultural independence with regard to the remarks of the Islamic Republic of Iran's founder was the aim of this research. The descriptive-analytical approach was adopted to answer the question about the globalization-driven opportunities and challenges of cultural independence on Parsons' structural functionalism. The research findings suggested that culture is a dominant system according to Parsons, while the Islamic Republic's founder believed in the determining role of culture. Globalization targets a country's cultural independence as a challenge and sets the scene for cultural interactions and synergies as an opportunity.

The moment of decolonization is recorded by dates and signalled by ceremony: the guard, political as well as military, is changed; anthems are composed; flags are redesigned. Here, Hopkins provides a study of global decolonization, focusing on Canada and Great Britain, and the creation of new national identities. He finds that in decolonization, hierarchical imperial systems were then subverted by a mixture of ideological and material forces that emerged in the mid 1950s, partly as a result of developments arising from imperial rule and partly in reaction to them. The propagation and implementation of principles of human and civil rights undercut systems of domination based on claimed ethnic superiority; profound changes to the world economy reduced the value of colonial forms of integration and created new alignments; principles of civic nationality were adopted to meet the needs of an increasingly cosmopolitan world.

The Commonwealth Arts Festival of 1965 was an important moment of postimperial reengagement. Over three weeks, Britain hosted visual artists, musicians, dancers, poets, and writers representing national cultures, who together presented a diverse Commonwealth assembled in terms of egalitarian multiculturalism. This article examines the investments of individual nations in participating in this festival to argue for the transnational production of multiculturalism at the end of empire. As a postimperial phenomenon, Commonwealth multiculturalism depended on the legibility of distinct national cultures assembled through an equitable framework. Governments sponsored representative cultural forms in response to domestic political circumstances and international economic needs, and against the imperial aesthetic hierarchies of the past. Examining the diverse interests assembled through the festival is essential to understanding the legacies of imperial power for more seemingly democratic frameworks of difference.

Book review of Gustavo Vallejo. José Gabriel y la crítica de la cultura. Travesíasurbanas de una izquierda vagabunda. Buenos Aires: Prometeo,2021, 302 pp. Resenha do livro Gustavo Vallejo. José Gabriel y la crítica de la cultura. Travesíasurbanas de una izquierda vagabunda. Buenos Aires: Prometeo,2021, 302 pp. Reseña del libro Gustavo Vallejo. José Gabriel y la crítica de la cultura. Travesíasurbanas de una izquierda vagabunda. Buenos Aires: Prometeo,2021, 302 pp.

Women across the Caribbean have been writing, reading, and exchanging cookbooks since at least the turn of the nineteenth century. These cookbooks are about much more than cooking. Through cookbooks, Caribbean women, and a few men, have shaped, embedded, and contested colonial and domestic orders, delineated the contours of independent national cultures, and transformed tastes for independence into flavors of domestic autonomy. Culinary Colonialism, Caribbean Cookbooks, and Recipes for National Independence integrates new documents into the Caribbean archive and presents them in a rare pan-Caribbean perspective. The first book-length consideration of Caribbean cookbooks, Culinary Colonialism joins a growing body of work in Caribbean studies and food studies that considers the intersections of food writing, race, class, gender, and nationality. A selection of recipes, culled from the archive that Culinary Colonialism assembles, allows readers to savor the confluence of culinary traditions and local specifications that connect and distinguish national cuisines in the Caribbean.

Purpose>The purpose of this study is to comprehend how individuals analysed organisational initiatives while responding to the COVID-19 crisis through corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives through both in-kind and in cash (funding-based) forms. CSR actions manifested finally towards the achievement of organisational reputational and economic egoism.Design/methodology/approach>The study was conducted on 331 respondents during the period of the COVID-19 pandemic and the lockdown in India. Moderated mediation analysis was conducted for data analysis and hypothesis testing. Two models were tested. The research models were tested using a statistical package for the social sciences (SPSS) and AMOS.Findings>This study considered the evaluation of the in cash (funding-based) and in-kind CSR types of CSR initiatives by individuals with personal cultural characteristics of independence, interdependence and altruism. The results of the first model indicated a significant positive relationship between independence, utilitarian thinking (UT) and organisational economic egoism (OEE). The mediating effect of UT between the independence-OEE relationship was significant. The results of the second model also found a significant relationship between interdependence, deontological thinking (DT) and organisational reputational egoism (ORE). Similarly, there was a significant positive relationship between altruism, DT and ORE. The mediation effect of DT was significant for both the relationships. The moderated mediation relationship of both the first and second model has been found to be significant.Research limitations/implications>In the research integrated models were developed associating individual personal cultural characteristics of independence, interdependence and altruism with UT and DT and subsequently to organisational economic and reputational egoism.Practical implications>Managers undertaking CSR initiatives through both in-kind and in cash (funding-based) would be better able to understand based upon these study insights what nature of CSR initiatives (in-kind or in cash) are more appropriate for what kind of individual context (independence, interdependence and altruism) in decision-making (UT and DT) with organisational context (organisational economic and reputational egoism).Social implications>In the trying realities of the COVID-19 context, firms were contributing to society through CSR initiatives which were both in-kind and in cash (funding-based) in nature. This study emphasised what kind of CSR initiative was more appropriate for what kind of context for both enhanced social good and increased organisational gains.Originality/value>This was one of the first studies in the context of CSR initiatives during COVID-19 times that analysed evaluation of in cash (funding-based) and in-kind CSR actions. CSR initiatives by individuals with personal cultural characteristics of independence, interdependence and altruism were related to UT and DT and finally manifested towards organisational economic and reputational egoism.

The historical processes leading to the emergence of the states of Eritrea (1991) and South Sudan (2011) have yet to be satisfactorily reconstructed. The extended conflict between Ethiopia and Sudan since the late 1950s and the resultant war of attrition and vengeance they have waged against each other is considered among the primary factors. Allying with regional and global powers-to-be, the two states engaged extensively in actions designed to bring about the disintegration of the other. This article attempts to recount the retaliatory measures both the imperial regime and the Derg have executed against Sudan's intervention in Eritrea. The policy lines persistently adopted by Ethiopian governments reveal the fact that if Sudan could not refrain from meddling in the Eritrean conflict, then they had to respond in kind.

In post-1788 Australia, we can identify three versions of republicanism: firstly as a specific ideology for the Australian nation; secondly as a political movement to break ties with the British Crown; and thirdly as a set of initiatives collectively defined as deliberative democracy. As ideology, republicanism has roots in both civic republicanism and liberal democratic radicalism. It has sometimes been nationalist and racist (the Great Australian Settlement) and sometimes liberal and multicultural (the New Australia of the 1960s). Unity around establishing legal and cultural independence has been achievable but, when it comes to a break with the Crown, there are divided views on its necessity and on the form a republic should take. In the 1990s, when the movement for change was at its height, these differences proved too much to handle and the referendum to establish a republic in 1999 was lost. It is argued that only through an exercise in new democracy involving random selection and proper deliberation - \"a republican means for a republican end\" - will it be possible to create the trust and authority needed for change.

While contemporary Islamism is a response to the domestic political situation in many Muslim countries, as well as to US and western policies in the Muslim world, it is also about religious assertion and the forging of an alternative ideology, not only as a means of empowerment but also as a means of establishing a particular social order. The debate is as much an internal one as it is a global one and in many ways mirrors the struggles of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries for political and cultural independence.