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• Background and Aims Morphological, molecular and biogeographical information bearing on early evolution of the sunflower alliance of families suggests that the clade containing the extant daisy family (Asteraceae) differentiated in South America during the Eocene, although palaeontological studies on this continent failed to reveal conclusive support for this hypothesis. Here we describe in detail Raiguenrayun cura gen. & sp. nov., an exceptionally well preserved capitulescence of Asteraceae recovered from Eocene deposits of northwestern Patagonia, Argentina. • Methods The fossil was collected from the 47-5 million-year-old Huitrera Formation at the Estancia Don Hipólito locality, Rio Negro Province, Argentina. • Key Results The arrangement of the capitula in a cymose capitulescence, the many-flowered capitula with multiseriate-imbricate involucral bracts and the pappus-like structures indicate a close morphological relationship with Asteraceae. Raiguenrayun cura and the associated pollen Mutisiapollis telleriae do not match exactly any living member of the family, and clearly represent extinct taxa. They share a mosaic of morphological features today recognized in taxa phylogenetically close to the root of Asteraceae, such as Stifftieae, Wunderlichioideae and Gochnatieae (Mutisioideae sensu lato) and Dicomeae and Oldenburgieae (Carduoideae), today endemic to or mainly distributed in South America and Africa, respectively. • Conclusions This is the first fossil genus of Asteraceae based on an outstandingly preserved capitulescence that might represent the ancestor of Mutisioideae—Carduoideae. It might have evolved in southern South America some time during the early Palaeogene and subsequently entered Africa, before the biogeographical isolation of these continents became much more pronounced. The new fossil represents the first reliable point for calibration, favouring an earlier date to the split between Barnadesioideae and the rest of Asteraceae than previously thought, which can be traced back at least 47·5 million years. This is the oldest well dated member of Asteraceae and perhaps the earliest indirect evidence for bird pollination in the family.

Quali strumenti per favorire la continuità assistenziale ospedale-territorio? Il Transitiol Care Model, il modello delle cure di transizioniR. Buso, M. Tiepolo, F. DentaliRuolo della lettera di dimissione ospedaliera nelle cure di transizioniE. Schiavetta, P. GnerreIl case magement nelle cure di transizioniL. TeseiChronic Care Model: il modello delle “cure di transizione” per i pazienti croniciS. Grimaldi, B. PisaniTransitiol Care come strumento per ridurre la degenza ospedaliera: opportunità e limitiM. Alessandri, A. MontagniL’esperienza di “transitiol care” di u regione del NordT.M. AttardoL’esperienza di “transitiol care” di u regione del CentroD. Carrara, U. Peta, A. CampaniL’esperienza di “transitiol care” di u regione del SudF. MastroianniTransitiol care: il modello delle cure intermedieE. BarbagelataTransitiol care: il modello dell’Area Cure Infermieristiche Ospedale TerritorioA. Piras, I. FerrandoIl Decreto Ministeriale 77 e la continuità assistenziale ospedale-territorio: utopia o opportunità?D. Manfellotto, L. Fassari, P. Russo

The present research explores the Bañitos-Gollete geothermal field located in the Frontal Andes Cordillera over the Pampean flat-slab. We carried out an audiomagnetotelluric survey in order to define the underground geoelectrical structure and to understand the link between the geothermal fluid path and the main geological structures. 2-D audiomagnetotelluric models suggest that the deep-rooted N-S fault system control the geothermal flow path. We propose a conductive heat-driven system, taking into consideration the geologic setting and the supposed low geothermal gradient of this tectonic environment. The mature Na-Cl waters from Gollete and an estimated reservoir temperature of ~140ºC are consistent with this conceptual model. Further investigations are required to assess the geothermal potential of the study area, and the present work likely represents only the first but necessary step in the exploration process.

Recent discoveries have renewed scholarly focus on the convent of Santa Chiara at San Gimignano as the initial context of the text known today as the Meditationes Vitae Christi (or the Meditations on the Life of Christ) – the most widely disseminated and influential devotional text of the later Middle Ages. Péter Tóth and Dávid Falvay have fixed the text’s composition to around the year 1300 and identified its author as a local Franciscan friar named “Jacobus”. This article extends Tóth’s and Falvay’s findings by examining the refoundation of Santa Chiara at the start of 1300, when the local townsman Pardoccio di Ser Bonifazio endowed the nunnery with substantial tracts of farmland just outside San Gimignano. Pardoccio was heavily invested personally in the project. He committed his wife and young daughter to Santa Chiara as oblates, and the latter would in time takes her vows as a Clarissan nun. He would soon join the Franciscan first order as a friar at the nearby male house of San Francesco. Pardoccio’s story illuminates how family relationships could bleed across the institutional boundaries of the early Franciscan movement. But our particular focus here is on another aspect of Pardoccio’s donation: his requirement that the receipts from the farmstead should fund a permanent community of six male friars based at Santa Chiara and dedicated to the cura monialium. Pardoccio undertook to construct a cloister, well, and cells for these friars, in effect creating a male micro-convent attached to the larger female foundation (even though the town’s principal male friary was only a few hundred metres away). The San Gimignano initiative was not unique: similar provisions were made several decades later by the founder of the Clarissan nunnery of San Paolo at San Miniato. Arianna Pecorini’s research on the Clarissan foundations in Pisa has highlighted the case of San Martino in Kinzica, which incorporated a male ‘conventino’ of four friars, with its own guardian and lector. These examples invite a reappraisal of the Franciscan commitment to the cura monialium of the Clarissan movement at the start of the fourteenth century. Scholarship on Clarissan double monasteries has tended to focus on large royal foundations, like the Angevin house of Santa Chiara in Naples. The evidence gathered here suggests that double communities were more common in the early Franciscan movement than generally assumed, and included the foundation for which the Meditationes was most likely written. Recent discoveries have renewed scholarly focus on the convent of Santa Chiara at San Gimignano as the initial context of the text known today as the Meditationes Vitae Christi (or the Meditations on the Life of Christ) – the most widely disseminated and influential devotional text of the later Middle Ages. Péter Tóth and Dávid Falvay have fixed the text’s composition to around the year 1300 and identified its author as a local Franciscan friar named “Jacobus”. This article extends Tóth’s and Falvay’s findings by examining the refoundation of Santa Chiara at the start of 1300, when the local townsman Pardoccio di Ser Bonifazio endowed the nunnery with substantial tracts of farmland just outside San Gimignano. Pardoccio was heavily invested personally in the project. He committed his wife and young daughter to Santa Chiara as oblates, and the latter would in time takes her vows as a Clarissan nun. He would soon join the Franciscan first order as a friar at the nearby male house of San Francesco. Pardoccio’s story illuminates how family relationships could bleed across the institutional boundaries of the early Franciscan movement. But our particular focus here is on another aspect of Pardoccio’s donation: his requirement that the receipts from the farmstead should fund a permanent community of six male friars based at Santa Chiara and dedicated to the cura monialium. Pardoccio undertook to construct a cloister, well, and cells for these friars, in effect creating a male micro-convent attached to the larger female foundation (even though the town’s principal male friary was only a few hundred metres away). The San Gimignano initiative was not unique: similar provisions were made several decades later by the founder of the Clarissan nunnery of San Paolo at San Miniato. Arianna Pecorini’s research on the Clarissan foundations in Pisa has highlighted the case of San Martino in Kinzica, which incorporated a male ‘conventino’ of four friars, with its own guardian and lector. These examples invite a reappraisal of the Franciscan commitment to the cura monialium of the Clarissan movement at the start of the fourteenth century. Scholarship on Clarissan double monasteries has tended to focus on large royal foundations, like the Angevin house of Santa Chiara in Naples. The evidence gathered here suggests that double communities were more common in the early Franciscan movement than generally assumed, and included the foundation for which the Meditationes was most likely written. Recent discoveries have renewed scholarly focus on the convent of Santa Chiara at San Gimignano as the initial context of the text known today as the Meditationes Vitae Christi (or the Meditations on the Life of Christ) – the most widely disseminated and influential devotional text of the later Middle Ages. Péter Tóth and Dávid Falvay have fixed the text’s composition to around the year 1300 and identified its author as a local Franciscan friar named “Jacobus”. This article extends Tóth’s and Falvay’s findings by examining the refoundation of Santa Chiara at the start of 1300, when the local townsman Pardoccio di Ser Bonifazio endowed the nunnery with substantial tracts of farmland just outside San Gimignano. Pardoccio was heavily invested personally in the project. He committed his wife and young daughter to Santa Chiara as oblates, and the latter would in time takes her vows as a Clarissan nun. He would soon join the Franciscan first order as a friar at the nearby male house of San Francesco. Pardoccio’s story illuminates how family relationships could bleed across the institutional boundaries of the early Franciscan movement. But our particular focus here is on another aspect of Pardoccio’s donation: his requirement that the receipts from the farmstead should fund a permanent community of six male friars based at Santa Chiara and dedicated to the cura monialium. Pardoccio  undertook to construct a cloister, well, and cells for these friars, in effect creating a male micro-convent attached to the larger female foundation (even though the town’s principal male friary was only a few hundred metres away). The San Gimignano initiative was not unique: similar provisions were made several decades later by the founder of the Clarissan nunnery of San Paolo at San Miniato. Arianna Pecorini’s research on the Clarissan foundations in Pisa has highlighted the case of San Martino in Kinzica, which incorporated a male ‘conventino’ of four friars, with its own guardian and lector. These examples invite a reappraisal of the Franciscan commitment to the cura monialium of the Clarissan movement at the start of the fourteenth century. Scholarship on Clarissan double monasteries has tended to focus on large royal foundations, like the Angevin house of Santa Chiara in Naples. The evidence gathered here suggests that double communities were more common in the early Franciscan movement than generally assumed, and included the foundation for which the Meditationes was most likely written. Recent discoveries have renewed scholarly focus on the convent of Santa Chiara at San Gimignano as the initial context of the text known today as the Meditationes Vitae Christi (or the Meditations on the Life of Christ) – the most widely disseminated and influential devotional text of the later Middle Ages. Péter Tóth and Dávid Falvay have fixed the text’s composition to around the year 1300 and identified its author as a local Franciscan friar named “Jacobus”. This article extends Tóth’s and Falvay’s findings by examining the refoundation of Santa Chiara at the start of 1300, when the local townsman Pardoccio di Ser Bonifazio endowed the nunnery with substantial tracts of farmland just outside San Gimignano. Pardoccio was heavily invested personally in the project. He committed his wife and young daughter to Santa Chiara as oblates, and the latter would in time takes her vows as a Clarissan nun. He would soon join the Franciscan first order as a friar at the nearby male house of San Francesco. Pardoccio’s story illuminates how family relationships could bleed across the institutional boundaries of the early Franciscan movement. But our particular focus here is on another aspect of Pardoccio’s donation: his requirement that the receipts from the farmstead should fund a permanent community of six male friars based at Santa Chiara and dedicated to the cura monialium. Pardoccio undertook to construct a cloister, well, and cells for these friars, in effect creating a male micro-convent attached to the larger female foundation (even though the town’s principal male friary was only a few hundred metres away). The San Gimignano initiative was not unique: similar provisions were made several decades later by the founder of the Clarissan nunnery of San Paolo at San Miniato. Arianna Pecorini’s research on the Clarissan foundations in Pisa has highlighted the case of San Martino in Kinzica, which incorporated a male ‘conventino’ of four friars, with its own guardian and lector. These examples invite a reappraisal of the Franciscan commitment to the cura monialium of the Clarissan movement at the start of the fourteenth century. Scholarship on Clarissan double monasteries has tended to focus on large royal foundations, like the Angevin house of Santa Chiara in Naples. The evidence gathered here suggests that double communities were more common in the early Franciscan movement than generally assumed, and included the foundation for whi

To evaluate the impact of socioeconomic support on tuberculosis preventive therapy initiation in household contacts of tuberculosis patients and on treatment success in patients. A non-blinded, household-randomized, controlled study was performed between February 2014 and June 2015 in 32 shanty towns in Peru. It included patients being treated for tuberculosis and their household contacts. Households were randomly assigned to either the standard of care provided by Peru's national tuberculosis programme (control arm) or the same standard of care plus socioeconomic support (intervention arm). Socioeconomic support comprised conditional cash transfers up to 230 United States dollars per household, community meetings and household visits. Rates of tuberculosis preventive therapy initiation and treatment success (i.e. cure or treatment completion) were compared in intervention and control arms. Overall, 282 of 312 (90%) households agreed to participate: 135 in the intervention arm and 147 in the control arm. There were 410 contacts younger than 20 years: 43% in the intervention arm initiated tuberculosis preventive therapy versus 25% in the control arm (adjusted odds ratio, aOR: 2.2; 95% confidence interval, CI: 1.1-4.1). An intention-to-treat analysis showed that treatment was successful in 64% (87/135) of patients in the intervention arm versus 53% (78/147) in the control arm (unadjusted OR: 1.6; 95% CI: 1.0-2.6). These improvements were equitable, being independent of household poverty. A tuberculosis-specific, socioeconomic support intervention increased uptake of tuberculosis preventive therapy and tuberculosis treatment success and is being evaluated in the Community Randomized Evaluation of a Socioeconomic Intervention to Prevent TB (CRESIPT) project.

Peering into the field of Alzheimer's disease (AD), the outsider realizes that many of the therapeutic strategies tested (in animal models) have been successful. One also may notice that there is a deficit in translational research, i.e., to take a successful drug in mice and translate it to the patient. Efforts are still focused on novel projects to expand the therapeutic arsenal to \"cure mice.\" Scientific reasons behind so many successful strategies are not obvious. This article aims to review the current approaches to combat AD and to open a debate on common mechanisms of cognitive enhancement and neuroprotection. In short, either the rodent models are not good and should be discontinued, or we should extract the most useful information from those models. An example of a question that may be debated for the advancement in AD therapy is: In addition to reducing amyloid and tau pathologies, would it be necessary to boost synaptic strength and cognition? The debate could provide clues to turn around the current negative output in generating effective drugs for patients. Furthermore, discovery of biomarkers in human body fluids, and a clear distinction between cognitive enhancers and disease modifying strategies, should be instrumental for advancing in anti-AD drug discovery.

It is unclear if current programmes in China can achieve the post-2015 global targets for tuberculosis--50% reduction in incidence and a 75% reduction in mortality by 2025. Chinese policy-makers need to maintain the recent decline in the prevalence of tuberculosis, while revising control policies to cope with an epidemic of drug-resistant tuberculosis and the effects of ongoing health reform. Health reforms are expected to shift patients from tuberculosis dispensaries to designated hospitals. We developed a mathematical model of tuberculosis control in China to help set appropriate targets and prioritize interventions that might be implemented in the next 10 years. This model indicates that, even under the most optimistic scenario--improved treatment in tuberculosis dispensaries, introduction of a new effective regimen for the treatment of drug-susceptible tuberculosis and optimal care of cases of multidrugresistant tuberculosis--the current global targets for tuberculosis are unlikely to be reached. However, reductions in the incidence of multidrug-resistant tuberculosis should be feasible. We conclude that a shift of patients from tuberculosis dispensaries to designated hospitals is likely to hamper efforts at tuberculosis control if cure rates in the designated hospitals cannot be maintained at a high level. Our results can inform the planning of tuberculosis control in China.

Modern medicine is confronted with cultural crossings in various forms. In facing these challenges, it is not enough to simply increase our insight into the cultural dimensions of health and well-being. We must, more radically, question the conventional distinction between the ‘objectivity of science’ and the ‘subjectivity of culture’. This obligation creates an urgent call for the medical humanities but also for a fundamental rethinking of their grounding assumptions.Julia Kristeva (JK) has problematised the biomedical concept of health through her reading of the anthropogony of Cura (Care), who according to the Roman myth created man out of a piece of clay. JK uses this fable as an allegory for the cultural distinction between health construed as a ‘definitive state’, which belongs to biological life (bios), and healing as a durative ‘process with twists and turns in time’ that characterises human living (zoe). A consequence of this demarcation is that biomedicine is in constant need of ‘repairing’ and bridging the gap between bios and zoe, nature and culture. Even in radical versions, the medical humanities are mostly reduced to such an instrument of repairment, seeing them as what we refer to as a soft, ‘subjective’ and cultural supplement to a stable body of ‘objective’, biomedical and scientific knowledge. In this article, we present a prolegomenon to a more radical programme for the medical humanities, which calls the conventional distinctions between the humanities and the natural sciences into question, acknowledges the pathological and healing powers of culture, and sees the body as a complex biocultural fact. A key element in such a project is the rethinking of the concept of ‘evidence’ in healthcare.

This study demonstrates that Augustine's De cura pro mortuis gerenda forms a well-composed unity of narrative and argument. It combines an analysis of the argumentative structure with a philological commentary, situating the text in its cultural-historical context.

In contemporary cities, there are gems of immense potential that are almost invisible: Terrain Vague or Vacant Land, urban open abandoned spaces without function. They serve as places of spontaneous appropriation by diverse human and non-human communities, where spontaneous nature thrives. Recently, innovative and emerging practices and projects within terrain vague have sought to activate the potential of these spaces by embracing their essence through experimental and innovative approaches that integrate ecological, cultural and social interests. However, due to the lack of a legal framework that recognizes the value of spontaneous urban nature and locally self-governed initiatives, projects struggle to be integrated into local and national policies. This article presents the story of Krater, an experimental project initiated by a multidisciplinary collective in a terrain vague in Ljubljana. It explores new perspectives on spontaneous urban nature and alternative design, providing a detailed account of the project's history and development, its challenges and goals. The article offers insights for a broader debate on legitimising spontaneous urban nature, promoting multispecies cities, recognising the value of terrain vague, and supporting local creative community projects and urban commons.