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Focusing on one of the most dramatic and controversial periods in modern Greek history and in the history of the Cold War, James Edward Miller provides the first study to employ a wide range of international archives--American, Greek, English, and French--together with foreign language publications to shed light on the role the United States played in Greece between the termination of its civil war in 1949 and Turkey's 1974 invasion of Cyprus.Miller demonstrates how U.S. officials sought, over a period of twenty-five years, to cultivate Greece as a strategic Cold War ally in order to check the spread of Soviet influence. The United States supported Greece's government through large-scale military aid, major investment of capital, and intermittent efforts to reform the political system. Miller examines the ways in which American and Greek officials cooperated in--and struggled over--the political future and the modernization of the country. Throughout, he evaluates the actions of the key figures involved, from George Papandreou and his son Andreas, to King Constantine, and from John Foster Dulles and Dwight D. Eisenhower to Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger.Miller's engaging study offers a nuanced and well-balanced assessment of events that still influence Mediterranean politics today.

Since the onset of Ottoman rule, but more especially from the mid-18th Century, the archbishops of the autocephalous Cypriot Orthodox Church have wielded a great deal of political power. Most people of a certain age will remember the bearded monk who became a Greek nationalist politician and the first President of the Republic of Cyprus in 1960, Archbishop Makarios III. Indeed his presence at Madame Tussaud’s is a reminder of his stature. But were all Cypriot archbishops such political and po.

Drawing on newly available archival materials from the Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter Presidential Libraries, James F.Goode offers a revolutionary analysis of the complex factors leading to the imposition and continuance of the 1975-1978 Turkish Arms Embargo.

About the Authors: Anastasia Chasapi Affiliation: Biological Computation & Process Lab, Chemical Process & Energy Resources Institute, Centre for Research & Technology Hellas, Thessalonica, Greece ORCID logo http://orcid.org/0000-0003-1986-5007 Michalis Aivaliotis Affiliations School of Medicine, Faculty of Health Sciences, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessalonica, Greece, Institute of Molecular Biology and Biotechnology, Foundation for Research and Technology Hellas, Heraklion, Greece Lefteris Angelis Affiliation: School of Informatics, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessalonica, Greece Anastasios Chanalaris Affiliation: Botnar Research Centre, NDORMS, Medical Sciences Division, University of Oxford, Oxford, United Kingdom ORCID logo http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8884-6750 Ioannis Iliopoulos Affiliation: Division of Basic Sciences, School of Medicine, University of Crete, Heraklion, Greece ORCID logo http://orcid.org/0000-0002-9079-0565 Ilias Kappas Affiliation: School of Biology, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessalonica, Greece ORCID logo http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8564-7035 Christos Karapiperis Affiliation: School of Informatics, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessalonica, Greece Nikos C. Kyrpides Affiliation: Department of Energy, Joint Genome Institute, Walnut Creek, California, United States of America ORCID logo http://orcid.org/0000-0002-6131-0462 Evangelos Pafilis Affiliation: Institute of Marine Biology Biotechnology and Aquaculture, Hellenic Centre for Marine Research, Heraklion, Greece ORCID logo http://orcid.org/0000-0001-5079-0125 Eleftherios Panteris Affiliation: First Psychiatric Clinic, Papageorgiou General Hospital, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessalonica, Greece Pantelis Topalis Affiliation: Institute of Molecular Biology and Biotechnology, Foundation for Research and Technology Hellas, Heraklion, Greece George Tsiamis Affiliation: Department of Environmental Engineering, School of Engineering, University of Patras, Patras, Greece ORCID logo http://orcid.org/0000-0001-5616-8505 Ioannis S. Vizirianakis Affiliation: Department of Pharmacology, School of Pharmacy, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessalonica, Greece Metaxia Vlassi Affiliation: Institute of Biosciences & Applications, National Centre for Scientific Research Demokritos, Athens, Greece Vasilis J. Promponas * E-mail: vprobon@ucy.ac.cy (VJP); ouzounis@certh.gr (CAO) Affiliation: Bioinformatics Research Laboratory, Department of Biological Sciences, University of Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus ORCID logo http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3352-4831 Christos A. Ouzounis * E-mail: vprobon@ucy.ac.cy (VJP); ouzounis@certh.gr (CAO) Affiliation: Biological Computation & Process Lab, Chemical Process & Energy Resources Institute, Centre for Research & Technology Hellas, Thessalonica, Greece ORCID logo http://orcid.org/0000-0002-0086-8657 Introduction In the mid-1980s, a generation of prominent biologists inspired some of their students to follow an interdisciplinary career in the life sciences. [...]we issue a number of recommendations relevant for the 2 countries, taking into account the rich biodiversity and their particular geographical and geopolitical context, with the hope that policies can be formulated with more precision and insight for future development of bioinformatics in this southeastern, strategically located corner of Europe. [...]it is not feasible and certainly beyond the scope of this article to provide a detailed record of the activities that have contributed to a successful computational biology community in Greece and Cyprus; for this, we apologize and hope that additional efforts might be reported in the pertinent literature in the future. [...]the few graduate programs in biological computing of that era were oriented towards theoretical ecology or plant genetics and—less so—to molecular biology.

The state of exception has been discussed and widely analyzed in academic research, as a space where the dominant force develops its practices through the suspension of the norm. A very large part of research on this topic highlights the ways in which a space can be excluded, surrounded, isolated or converted into a state of exception, as a result of the action of the dominant power. However, the violence or the combination of forms of violence with consent constituting a state of exception produces simultaneously new, unpredictable dynamics. Building on the above theoretical framework, this article seeks to consider the production of 'unforeseen dynamics' which appear against the exceptional spaces. In this article, the epicentre is the Turkish Cypriot community and its relations with Turkey during the 1974-1981 period. It attempts to identify the way in which a colonial type strategy enables exceptional means to transform a space of war into a normal space. At the same time, the article attempts to define the oppositional dynamics generated in the Turkish Cypriot community against the normalization of Cyprus' state of exception.

This book provides a reconstruction of a major British decolonization. Charting the ‘inner history’ of a violent colonial Emergency, it provides a case-study of the dilemmas posed by the challenge of terrorism overseas after 1945. The book analyses the evolution of a political settlement which, almost uniquely in the British ‘end of empire’, slid beyond the United Kingdom's control. It considers the effects of the revolt on the politics of the surrounding region, particularly in relation to the emerging ethnic struggle between Greeks and Turks. The book offers a fresh perspective on Mediterranean and Middle Eastern developments, including the involvement of NATO and the United States, in the age of the Suez Crisis and its aftermath.

Security is a major contemporary concern, with foreign and security policies topping the agenda of many governments. At the centre of Western security concerns is Turkey, due to its geographical proximity to converging major fault lines such as the Caucasus, the Mediterranean and the Middle East. As trans-Atlantic debates evolve around these major fault lines, future relations will have a direct impact on the re-orientation of Turkish foreign and security policies. This comprehensive study focuses on the future of Turkish foreign and security policies within the emerging strategies of the two Wests. Discussing the challenges Turkey has been facing since the turn of the century, it examines Turkish foreign policy in the context of trans-Atlantic relations - as a global actor, and with respect to conflict, new power relations, energy security, Greece, Cyprus and the environment. Contents: Preface; Introduction, Nursin Atesoglu Guney; A tale of 2 centuries: continuities in Turkish foreign and security policy, Gokhan Cetinsaya; Transatlantic relations and Turkey, Thomas S. Mowle; Turkey's potential (and controversial) contribution to the global 'actorness' of the EU, Eduard Soler i Lecha; A retrospective analysis of Turkey-United States relations in the wake of the US war in Iraq in March 2003, Mahmut Bali Aykan; The 'Iraq factor' in Turkey, EU and US triangle since 9/11, Aysegul Sever; The limits of change: Turkey, Iran, Syria, Ozden Zeynep Oktav; The new power calculations and 'structured' relations in the fluctuating security environment of Eurasia, Visne Korkmaz; Turkey and the greater Black Sea region, Gareth M. Winrow; 21st century energy security debates: opportunities and constraints for Turkey, Ibrahim Mazlum; Mediterranean fault line - the future of Greece and Turkey, H. Sonmez Atesoglu; Cycles of transformation of the Cyprus question, Mustafa Turkes; The new security environment and Turkey's ISAF experience, Nursin Atesoglu Guney; Conclusion, Nursin Atesoglu Guney; Index.

For hundreds of years, the Eastern Mediterranean island of Cyprus has been subjected to the — not always welcome — attentions of external powers, finally gaining some independence from Britain in 1960. Since then, Cyprus has been the object of three international crises, almost leading to war between NATO members Greece and Turkey. Following a Turkish invasion and occupation which continues to the present, tensions have continued, while Turkey continues to occupy over one-third of Cyprus, an EU member, while trying itself to gain entry to the organisation. Papers released by British government departments in January 2008 reveal the following: an increasingly submissive yet tetchy attitude in British foreign policy formulation vis-à-vis American pressure (mainly Kissinger) on Britain not to leave Cyprus; the question of the USA financing the British bases; British government criticism of Turkey's perceived intransigence in finding a solution to the Cyprus conundrum; British government criticism of Turkey's position on its continental-shelf dispute with Greece; Britain's strong support for Turkey's European aspirations, flying in the face of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Cyprus' recommendations; past and future President Clerides' seeming contentedness with the British military presence on Cyprus; and a marked difference between French and British views. The article concludes that the British government submitted to US demands and suggests that Cyprus remains a cat's paw of big-power politics.

In a 1957 letter to Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser, Greek prime minister Constantine Karamanlis claimed that Cyprus was not the only or necessarily the most important element in Greece’s foreign policy. Improving relations with its communist Balkan neighbors, entry into the European Economic Community, achieving national security through membership in the Atlantic alliance, protection of diaspora communities abroad, and dealing with a complex set of problems posed by its powerful Anatolian neighbor, Turkey, were among the critical issues facing the Greek state. Nevertheless, from 1955 onward, Cyprus was the center of Greece’s foreign policy, and this issue complicated efforts

On July 22, 1878, the first British governor of Cyprus took control of the island from its former Ottoman rulers at Larnaca. “Having caused my commission to be read,” the high commissioner, General Lord Wolseley, “took the oaths of allegiance and office and assumed the government of Cyprus” to the “cheers” of representatives from its Christian and Muslim communities.¹ British rule, which was legally a loan of the island from the Ottoman state, was thus installed on a people with two millennia of experience with outside governance. The island’s new rulers had acquired what they conceived as a strategic outpost