Explore the vast range of titles available.

Are you alive? Most people believe that some law defines our status as living (or not) for all purposes. But Foley shows that “not being dead\" isn’t necessarily the same as being alive, in the eyes of the law. The need for more organ transplants and conservation of health care resources is exerting pressure to expand the legal definition of death.

Specialist groups have often advised health ministers and other decision makers in developing countries on the use of social health insurance (SHI) as a way of mobilizing revenue for health, reforming health sector performance, and providing universal coverage. This book reviews the specific design and implementation challenges facing SHI in low- and middle-income countries and presents case studies on Ghana, Kenya, Philippines, Colombia, and Thailand.

Introduction COVID‐19 virus has undergone mutations, and the introduction of vaccines and effective treatments have changed its clinical severity. We hypothesized that models that evolve may better predict invasive mechanical ventilation or death than do static models. Methods This retrospective study of adult patients with COVID‐19 from six Michigan hospitals analysed 20 demographic, comorbid, vital sign and laboratory factors, one derived factor and nine factors representing changes in vital signs or laboratory values with time for their ability to predict death or invasive mechanical ventilation within the next 4, 8 or 24 h. Static logistic regression was constructed on the initial 300 patients and tested on the remaining 6741 patients. Rolling logistic regression was similarly constructed on the initial 300 patients, but then new patients were added, and older patients removed. Each new construction model was subsequently tested on the next patient. Static and rolling models were compared with receiver operator characteristic and precision‐recall curves. Results Of the 7041 patients, 534 (7.6%) required invasive mechanical ventilation or died within 14 days of arrival. Rolling models improved discrimination (0.865 ± 0.010, 0.856 ± 0.007 and 0.843 ± 0.005 for the 4, 8 and 24‐h models, respectively; all p < 0.001 compared with the static logistic regressions with 0.827 ± 0.011, 0.794 ± 0.012 and 0.735 ± 0.012, respectively). Similarly, the areas under the precision‐recall curves improved from 0.006, 0.010 and 0.021 with the static models to 0.030, 0.045 and 0.076 for the 4‐, 8‐ and 24‐h rolling models, respectively, all p < 0.001. Conclusion Rolling models with contemporaneous data maintained better metrics of performance than static models, which used older data. When a disease or treatment is rapidly changing, traditional (static) predictive models may lose their accuracy. We show that in 7041 patients of whom 534 (7.6%) required invasive mechanical ventilation or died within 14 days that rolling logistic regression models improved both discrimination and the areas under the precision‐recall curves—all p < 0.001.

When ethnographers explore 'particularly sensitive' social activities, raising complex political, legal and ethical stakes, they sometimes work in contexts in which certain ethnographic descriptions are 'particularly expected'. Ethnographers may then be given (pleasant) recognition for their work producing descriptions of actual social activities. But is there not a trap here? This trap is to reduce the scope of their research to the production of such descriptions even if at the beginning of their work they defined these descriptions as simple 'preliminary questions' and wanted to invest their principal work in 'core questions' — for instance about the relationships between individuals and activities and the social roots of these relationships. This article revisits research concerning life-or-death decisions and 'ethics in action' in neonatal intensive care, in order to pinpoint how social expectations of descriptions may reduce the very definition of the sociological and anthropological perspective.

In this riveting and timely work, John P. Lizza presents the first comprehensive analysis of personhood and humanity in the context of defining death. Rejecting the common assumption that human or personal death is simply a biological phenomenon for biologists or physicians to define, Lizza argues that the definition of death is also a matter for metaphysical reflection, moral choice, and cultural acceptance. Lizza maintains that defining death remains problematic because basic ontological, ethical, and cultural issues have never been adequately addressed. Advances in life-sustaining technology and organ transplantation have led to revision of the legal definition of death. It is generally accepted that death occurs when all functions of the brain have ceased. However, legal and clinical cases involving postmortem pregnancy, individuals in permanent vegetative state, those with anencephaly, and those with severe dementia challenge the neurological criteria. Is \"brain death\" really death? Should the neurological criteria be expanded to include individuals in permanent vegetative state, with anencephaly, and those with severe dementia? What metaphysical, ethical, and cultural considerations are relevant to answering such questions? Although Lizza accepts a pluralistic approach to the legal definition of death, he proposes a nonreductive, substantive view in which persons are understood as \"constituted by\" human organisms. This view, he argues, provides the best account of human nature as biological, moral, and cultural and supports a consciousness-related formulation of death. Through an analysis of legal and clinical cases and a discussion of alternative concepts of personhood, Lizza casts greater light on the underlying themes of a complex debate.

The best part of \"The Sun Farmer\" is the journal of Rhoda Fink. Left alone for long stretches while she waited for her husband to awake, she filled page after page with her doubts, worries and pleas to God, revealing a woman of great faith, courage and complexity. She writes early on: \"God bless us ... help us ... keep us.\" But later, when [Ted Fink] awakes and worries what people will think about how he looks, she says, \"They can go to hell if they don't like it.\" Her strength and endurance are examples of how to persevere through anything.

\" 'I have been in prayer since the accident,' \" [Rhoda] writes. \" 'Must wait to see God's plan.' \"

Regular, detailed reporting on population health by underlying cause of death is fundamental for public health decision making. Cause-specific estimates of mortality and the subsequent effects on life expectancy worldwide are valuable metrics to gauge progress in reducing mortality rates. These estimates are particularly important following large-scale mortality spikes, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. When systematically analysed, mortality rates and life expectancy allow comparisons of the consequences of causes of death globally and over time, providing a nuanced understanding of the effect of these causes on global populations. The Global Burden of Diseases, Injuries, and Risk Factors Study (GBD) 2021 cause-of-death analysis estimated mortality and years of life lost (YLLs) from 288 causes of death by age-sex-location-year in 204 countries and territories and 811 subnational locations for each year from 1990 until 2021. The analysis used 56 604 data sources, including data from vital registration and verbal autopsy as well as surveys, censuses, surveillance systems, and cancer registries, among others. As with previous GBD rounds, cause-specific death rates for most causes were estimated using the Cause of Death Ensemble model—a modelling tool developed for GBD to assess the out-of-sample predictive validity of different statistical models and covariate permutations and combine those results to produce cause-specific mortality estimates—with alternative strategies adapted to model causes with insufficient data, substantial changes in reporting over the study period, or unusual epidemiology. YLLs were computed as the product of the number of deaths for each cause-age-sex-location-year and the standard life expectancy at each age. As part of the modelling process, uncertainty intervals (UIs) were generated using the 2·5th and 97·5th percentiles from a 1000-draw distribution for each metric. We decomposed life expectancy by cause of death, location, and year to show cause-specific effects on life expectancy from 1990 to 2021. We also used the coefficient of variation and the fraction of population affected by 90% of deaths to highlight concentrations of mortality. Findings are reported in counts and age-standardised rates. Methodological improvements for cause-of-death estimates in GBD 2021 include the expansion of under-5-years age group to include four new age groups, enhanced methods to account for stochastic variation of sparse data, and the inclusion of COVID-19 and other pandemic-related mortality—which includes excess mortality associated with the pandemic, excluding COVID-19, lower respiratory infections, measles, malaria, and pertussis. For this analysis, 199 new country-years of vital registration cause-of-death data, 5 country-years of surveillance data, 21 country-years of verbal autopsy data, and 94 country-years of other data types were added to those used in previous GBD rounds. The leading causes of age-standardised deaths globally were the same in 2019 as they were in 1990; in descending order, these were, ischaemic heart disease, stroke, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, and lower respiratory infections. In 2021, however, COVID-19 replaced stroke as the second-leading age-standardised cause of death, with 94·0 deaths (95% UI 89·2–100·0) per 100 000 population. The COVID-19 pandemic shifted the rankings of the leading five causes, lowering stroke to the third-leading and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease to the fourth-leading position. In 2021, the highest age-standardised death rates from COVID-19 occurred in sub-Saharan Africa (271·0 deaths [250·1–290·7] per 100 000 population) and Latin America and the Caribbean (195·4 deaths [182·1–211·4] per 100 000 population). The lowest age-standardised death rates from COVID-19 were in the high-income super-region (48·1 deaths [47·4–48·8] per 100 000 population) and southeast Asia, east Asia, and Oceania (23·2 deaths [16·3–37·2] per 100 000 population). Globally, life expectancy steadily improved between 1990 and 2019 for 18 of the 22 investigated causes. Decomposition of global and regional life expectancy showed the positive effect that reductions in deaths from enteric infections, lower respiratory infections, stroke, and neonatal deaths, among others have contributed to improved survival over the study period. However, a net reduction of 1·6 years occurred in global life expectancy between 2019 and 2021, primarily due to increased death rates from COVID-19 and other pandemic-related mortality. Life expectancy was highly variable between super-regions over the study period, with southeast Asia, east Asia, and Oceania gaining 8·3 years (6·7–9·9) overall, while having the smallest reduction in life expectancy due to COVID-19 (0·4 years). The largest reduction in life expectancy due to COVID-19 occurred in Latin America and the Caribbean (3·6 years). Additionally, 53 of the 288 causes of death were highly concentrated in locations with less than 50% of the global population as of 2021, and these causes of death became progressively more concentrated since 1990, when only 44 causes showed this pattern. The concentration phenomenon is discussed heuristically with respect to enteric and lower respiratory infections, malaria, HIV/AIDS, neonatal disorders, tuberculosis, and measles. Long-standing gains in life expectancy and reductions in many of the leading causes of death have been disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic, the adverse effects of which were spread unevenly among populations. Despite the pandemic, there has been continued progress in combatting several notable causes of death, leading to improved global life expectancy over the study period. Each of the seven GBD super-regions showed an overall improvement from 1990 and 2021, obscuring the negative effect in the years of the pandemic. Additionally, our findings regarding regional variation in causes of death driving increases in life expectancy hold clear policy utility. Analyses of shifting mortality trends reveal that several causes, once widespread globally, are now increasingly concentrated geographically. These changes in mortality concentration, alongside further investigation of changing risks, interventions, and relevant policy, present an important opportunity to deepen our understanding of mortality-reduction strategies. Examining patterns in mortality concentration might reveal areas where successful public health interventions have been implemented. Translating these successes to locations where certain causes of death remain entrenched can inform policies that work to improve life expectancy for people everywhere. Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.