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It has been revealed how inadequate access to medical services manifests as social exclusion, leading to poverty and limited life opportunities. The way the decentralization reform contributes to improving access to social services is examined. Significant dysfunctions in the healthcare system are identified, particularly due to variability in service accessibility levels across different regions. A methodological approach to assessing the accessibility of medical aid is proposed, including the development of integral indices that consider multiple dimensions of the quality of medical care. The necessity for strategic intervention by the state to reduce social exclusion through improved access to social services is emphasized, especially in light of contemporary challenges such as military actions in Ukraine. The importance of understanding the interconnections between social infrastructure and societal inclusiveness is demonstrated, highlighting the role of accessible social services in forming a more equitable and cohesive society.

Are decentralization reforms in dictatorial regimes mere window dressing or can they deliver longevity for dictators? Many scholars in political science have argued that seemingly democratic institutions established in dictatorships play a crucial role in increasing the survival potential of the authoritarian regime by providing a channel to the dictator to co-opt members of the opposition, identify their bases of support and recruit effective coalition members. While most of the existing analysis has focused on national elections and political parties, we use primary data and social network methodology to analyze the 2001 decentralization reforms established during General Musharraf’s military regime in Pakistan. We show that seemingly democratically empowering decentralized governance structures can also be used to distribute rents to political supporters through ostensibly legitimate channels. Therefore, this paper adds to the literature on institutions in dictatorships on two fronts in addition to providing crucial information about the political landscape in a strategically important country.

The aim of the article is studying the current state of the formation of wealthy territorial communities in Ukraine, identifying the main problems in the course of their formation and financial decentralization, and searching for ways to solve them. The definition of the notion “wealthy territorial community” is clarified, the main instrument for the formation of such communities – financial decentralization – is defined. The state of the regulatory framework for reforming local self-government in Ukraine is studied, the trends in the formation of united territorial communities for the period 2015–2018 is analyzed, the regions in which the decentralization is carried out most actively are identified. The behavior of the share of the communities’ own income in the local budget for the entire period of decentralization is analyzed, and it is found that the budget revenues of the united territorial communities increased at a higher rate than that of other local budgets; it is determined that the largest share in the structure of communities own income is presented by the personal income tax. A significant increase in the volume of state budget support for local self-governments to develop communities and build their infrastructure is revealed. The main problems that occur during the financial decentralization and formation of wealthy communities in Ukraine are identified, recommendations to solve these problems are elaborated. It is determined that further prospects for the reform are related to the implementation of the plan of measures for the second phase of the decentralization, approved by the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine in January 2019.

Ukraine has to reform the spatial organization of power, which involves alteration of the administrative-territorial division in very difficult socio-economic and political conditions. Despite a great interest in the Ukrainian decentralization reform in scientific publications and media, the influence of chosen voluntary consolidation mode on the newly formed territorial communities, including their spatial configuration, economic potential and institutional capability, remains uncovered. Trying to shed some light on the issue, the authors made an attempt to reveal advantages and disadvantages of the selected model of reform on the example of the Perspective Plan of Territorial Communities Formation in Kyiv Region.

Research background: The article examines the peculiarities of the economy decarbonisation in Ukraine’s regions using cluster analysis, which helped to determine the composition of clusters of regions with a similar level of the economy decarbonisation and common features. The study takes into account specific indicators. Close attention is paid to the study of the dynamics of carbon dioxide emissions into the atmosphere from stationary sources per unit of gross regional product in certain clusters and to the identification of factors and measures to reduce them. The development of energy innovations is identified as a key area for decarbonisation of regional economies. The role of decentralization reform is analysed and regarded as a factor in the growth of decarbonisation and development of energy projects in united territorial communities, which, in general, increases the level of effectiveness of the regional policy on innovative development of the energy sector. Purpose of the article: to identify key factors in the growth of decarbonisation of the economy of the regions. Methods : general scientific methods were used, the main of which are: cluster analysis – to identify clusters of regions with a similar level of decarbonisation of the economy, system analysis – to apply a comprehensive approach to the study of factors influencing the growth of decarbonisation of the economy and determining an effective balanced regional policy towards innovative development of the energy sector. Findings & Value added: The directions of balancing the regional policy towards ensuring innovative development of the energy sector of the national economy in the conditions of Industry 4.0 are determined.

Since the 1998 Reformasi process, Indonesia has decentralized and granted wide-ranging autonomy to its subnational governments. Two decades following these reforms, it is crucial to ask the extent to which decentralization has strengthened state capacity—namely, the ability of the administration to deliver development. Of the various dimensions of state capacity, we focus on two: the structure of public administration; and the provision of local public services. To this end, we analyse statistics from the periods prior to and following decentralization. In addition, we draw on key informant interviews and refer to our personal experience in government to provide depth and nuance to our findings. We find that, in some respects, decentralization in Indonesia has managed to achieve what it promised, but failed to deliver in others. Most indicators of state capacity regarding the delivery of public services improved under decentralization. This progress was probably linked to the increase in the quality of public administration at the local level. However, disparities and gaps in local state capacity are also evident. In some aspects of the economy, the disparity in the provision of social and basic services has deepened. Decentralization has also made policy coordination between central and subnational governments in delivering development more complex, due to the high level of political intervention at both levels.

The Independent Evaluation Group (IEG) assessed the effectiveness of Bank support for decentralization between fiscal 1990 and 2007 in 20 countries, seeking to inform the design and implementation of future support. Given the difficulties of measuring the results of decentralization, the evaluation used intermediate outcome indicators—such as strengthened legal and regulatory frameworks for intergovernmental relations, improved administrative capacity, and increased accountability of sub national governments and functionaries to higher levels of government and to citizens—to assess the results of Bank support in these 20 countries. To examine potential lessons at a sectoral level, the evaluation also assessed whether Bank support for decentralization improved intermediate outcomes for service delivery in the education sector in 6 of the 20 countries.

In recent decades, decentralisation measures have been implemented in most advanced democracies. While such reforms may be driven by subnational pressures and demands for empowerment, the central government usually has the deciding power to decentralise. Literature on regional preference has proliferated since the 1990s, though we know little of regional administrative preferences in relation to this process. As policy formulators and implementers, they are directly affected by dispersion of authority downwards, as it directly affects their organisational structures and portfolio of responsibilities. This article analyses decentralisation preferences among regional bureaucrats in Norway in the context of the 2015-2020 Regional Government Reform. Utilising an original survey and testing five explanations, the bureaucrats are generally reserved about taking on additional functions, with support for increasing their portfolio primarily explained by a principled motivation to increase regional autonomy, followed by feelings of regional attachment. Functional arguments also matter, though to a lesser extent. The bureaucrats’ principled, rather than functional, attitude towards regionalisation deviates from theoretical premises of decentralisation literature, while also challenging more underlying notions of bureaucratic thinking, inviting further research into how these dynamics manifest themselves among members of the civil service.

It is generally perceived that administrative decentralization reform in young democracies is a promise to improve democracy from below. Yet, in terms of democratic development, the impact of this process is ambivalent, and can be described as a paradox of reform. This article argues that preemptive countermeasures that offset problems predicted to emerge as the reform proceeds should be formulated as part of the reform through introducing a preventive policy paradigm in the area of democratic reform policy. This is to alleviate or prevent the creation of the paradox and to contribute to democratic development through enhancing people’s satisfaction with the newly democratized government. To this end, this study examines administrative decentralization reform in South Korea and Indonesia and uncovers these reforms’ paradoxes. These two cases are particularly worthy of study, since their young democratic governments lack countermeasures against predictable reform problems, intensifying the paradox. I argue that the implications drawn from these two cases for methods of enhancing democratic development in other young democracies are worth heeding. En general, se percibe que la reforma de descentralización administrativa en las democracias jóvenes es una promesa para mejorar la democracia desde abajo. Sin embargo, en términos de desarrollo democrático, el impacto de este proceso es ambivalente y se puede describir como una paradoja de la reforma. Este artículo sostiene que las medidas preventivas que compensan los problemas que se prevé que surjan a medida que avanza la reforma deben formularse como parte de la reforma mediante la introducción de un paradigma de política preventiva en el área de la política de reforma democrática. Esto es para aliviar o prevenir la creación de la paradoja y contribuir al desarrollo democrático mediante la mejora de la satisfacción de las personas con el gobierno recientemente democratizado. Con este fin, este estudio examina la reforma de la descentralización administrativa en Corea del Sur e Indonesia y descubre las paradojas de las reformas. Por último, señala las implicaciones en los métodos para mejorar el desarrollo democrático en las democracias jóvenes. Se adoptó un enfoque de estrategia múltiple, que incluyó una entrevista en profundidad y la recopilación de datos secundarios, con el fin de mejorar la validez y la fiabilidad del estudio. 人们普遍认为，年轻的民主国家实行行政分权改革能确保从下至上改善民主。然而，就民主发展而言，这一进程的影响喜忧参半，这可以说是改革的悖论。本文笔者认为，政府应该在民主改革政策领域中引入预防性政策范例，从而制定先发制人的对策，以作为部分改革内容预防改革进程中可能出现的问题。一方面这是为了减轻或防止悖论的产生，另一方面是为了提高人民对新型民主政府的满意度从而有助民主发展。为此，本文通过研究韩国和印度尼西亚的行政分权改革,揭示了改革的悖论，最后对如何改善年轻民主国家的民主发展提供了启示。本文采用多策略方法，包括深度访谈和二次数据收集以提高研究的有效性和可靠性。

The relationships between territorial identities and administrative divisions are investigated in this article, in an attempt to reveal the possible role of territorial identity as an instrument for administrative-territorial reform. The study focuses on Podolia – a key Ukrainian geographical region with a long and complicated history. A survey of residents living throughout the region showed that the majority of respondents had developed strong identification with both historical regions and modern administrative units. The close interaction between “old” and “new” identities, however, caused their mutual alterations, especially in changes in the perceived borders of historical regions. This means that the “old” historical identities have strong persistence but simultaneously survive constant transformations, incorporating the so-called “thin” elements, which fits the concept of dynamic regional institutionalisation and the formation of hybrid territorial identities. Consequently, although territorial identity may be used to make administrative territorial units more comprehensible for people, the development of modern administrative units based on hybrid identities, which include both thick and thin elements, may be another feasible solution that involves stakeholders in regional development.