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PurposeSince the end of 2016, “fake news” has had a clear meaning in the USA. After years of scholarship attempting to define “fake news” and where it fits among the larger schema of media hoaxing and deception, popular culture and even academic studies converged following the 2016 US presidential election to define “fake news” in drastically new ways. The paper aims to discuss these issues.Design/methodology/approachIn light of the recent elections in the USA, many fear “fake news” that have gradually become a powerful and sinister force, both in the news media environment as well as in the fair and free elections. The scenario draws into questions how the general public interacts with such outlets, and to what extent and in which ways individual responsibility should govern the interactions with social media.FindingsFake news is a growing threat to democratic elections in the USA and other democracies by relentless targeting of hyper-partisan views, which play to the fears and prejudices of people, in order to influence their voting plans and their behavior.Originality/valueEssentially, “fake news” is changing and even distorting how political campaigns are run, ultimately calling into question legitimacy of elections, elected officials and governments. Scholarship has increasingly confirmed social media as an enabler of “fake news,” and continues to project its potentially negative impact on democracy, furthering the already existing practices of partisan selective exposure, as well as heightening the need for individual responsibility.

\"A comical and revealing account of what it's like to run for office with no political experience, little money and only a faint hope of winning, told first-hand by celebrated writer Noah Richler. During the 2015 federal election, approximately 1200 political campaigns were held across Canada. One of those campaigns belonged to author, journalist and political neophyte Noah Richler. Recruited by the NDP to run in the bellweather riding of Toronto-St Paul's, he was handed $350 and told he would lose. But as veteran NDP activists and social-media-savvy newbies joined his campaign, Richler found himself increasingly insulated from the stark reality that his campaign was flailing, imagining instead that he was headed to Parliament Hill. In The Candidate, Richler recounts his time on the trail in sizzling detail and hilarious frankness, from door knocking in Little Jamaica to being internet-shamed by experienced opponents. The Candidate lays bare what goes on behind the slogans, canvassing and talking points, told from the perspective of a political outsider. With his signature wit and probing eye, Noah Richler's chronicle of running for office is insightful, brutally honest and devastatingly funny.\"-- Provided by publisher.

This article examines the extent to which the adoption of biometric voter registration in election management in Zimbabwe has appeared a phantom on the horizon regarding democratisation. While the emergence of digitalised election management brought with it expectations of credible electoral processes and outcomes in a country with a history of rampant electoral malpractices in manually managed processes, the phenomenon is yet to yield positive results regarding democratisation in Zimbabwe. Despite the shift from manually managed electoral process to a digitalised approach, the quagmire of irregularities has persisted in Zimbabwean elections. This is largely attributable to the trajectory of governance in Zimbabwe which appears to militate against the exploitation of the opportunities presented by digital technologies in democratising elections in the county. This said, the conclusion drawn from this article is that the configuration of political power, particularly issues of the breach of the democratic principles of separation of power and separation of personnel, are disingenuous to technology-induced democratic transition to credible elections. Secondary research was used to obtain data for this article as data were gathered from books, journal articles, newspaper articles and institutional reports. Cet article examine dans quelle mesure l 'adoption de l 'enregistrement biométrique des électeurs dans la gestion des élections au Zimbabwe est apparue comme un fantôme à l 'horizon de la démocratisation. Alors que l 'émergence de la numérisation de la gestion des élections a suscité des attentes quant à la crédibilité du processus et des résultats électoraux dans un pays avec une histoire de mauvaises pratiques électorales rampantes au cours du processus géré manuellement, le phénomène n 'a pas encore donné de résultats positifs en matière de démocratisation au Zimbabwe. Malgré le passage d 'un processus électoral manuel à une approche numérique, le bourbier des irrégularités persiste encore lors des élections au Zimbabwe. Cela est largement attribuable à la trajectoire de la gouvernance au Zimbabwe qui semble militer contre l 'exploitation des opportunités présentées par les technologies numériques dans la démocratisation des élections dans le pays. Cela dit, la conclusion tirée de cet article est que la configuration du pouvoir politique, en particulier les questions de violation des principes démocratiques de séparation du pouvoir et de séparation du personnel, sont peu propices à une transition démocratique induite par la technologie vers des élections crédibles. La recherche secondaire a été utilisée pour obtenir des données pour cet article, car les données ont été recueillies à partir de livres, d 'articles de journaux et des rapports institutionnels.

\"Mark Halperin interviewed the nation's most experienced political strategists to discover what they think the Democratic nominee needs to do to win the 270 electoral votes required for victory. Drawing on first-hand experience, tactical savvy, and war stories from presidential campaigns past, America's top operatives explain how to meet the daunting challenge of defeating President Trump.\"--Publisher's description.

Existing studies of ethnic voting mainly focus on democratic elections. In electoral autocracies, politically subordinate ethnicity can help citizens coordinate against the incumbent. However, we argue that collective action will be constrained when the group grows large, as it becomes costly for its members to form common behavioural norms and carry out effective sanctions through shared ethnic ties under authoritarian repression. Drawing on unique historical surveys in Taiwan, we study how Taiwanese ethnicity and local ethnic demography jointly induced voters' defection against the hegemonic KMT regime. We find that the pro-defection or anti-incumbent effect of Taiwanese ethnicity fell as the share of Taiwanese citizens in a township increased. However, the relative size of the Taiwanese group no longer undermined pro-defection ethnic voting after the KMT lifted the ban on opposition parties. Our results illustrate that formal organizations play a critical role in sustaining the informational salience of ethnicity in the elections.

The 2013 general elections in Zimbabwe were widely expected to mark a shift in the nation's political system, and a greater role for the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai. However, the results, surprisingly, were overwhelmingly in favour of long-time President Robert Mugabe, who swept the presidential, parliamentary and senatorial polls under relatively credible and peaceful conditions. In this book, a valuable and accessible read for both students and scholars working in African politics, and those with a general interest in the politics of the region, Stephen Chan and Julia Gallagher explore the domestic and international context of these landmark elections. Drawing on extensive research among political elites, grassroots activists and ordinary voters, Chan and Gallagher examine the key personalities, dramatic events, and broader social and political context of Mugabe's success, and what this means as Zimbabwe moves towards a future without Mugabe.

The field of Sentiment Analysis involves utilizing computational methods to identify and understand the emotional aspects present in a text and expressing emotions through written language. Hence, the objective of this research is to examine and analyze people's opinions regarding the Nigerian presidential election for a deeper understanding of their preferences, and concerns of the electorate on the person declared as the winner of the election. Using the Tweepy library and Twitter Application Programming Interface (API), 85,662 tweets were collected using some specific keywords and hashtags. The tweets were preprocessed using Natural Language Tool-kits and were analyzed using TextBlob lexicon-based processing techniques. The results showed that the Positive attitudes were 48%, neutral attitudes were 32%, and negative attitudes were 23%. Insights into popular sentiment and political inclinations that were gained from the sentiment analysis showed that most individuals had a positive reaction toward the presidential election for the betterment of their nation. In general, this research shows the importance and effect of sentiment analysis in determining people's opinions towards the conducted election.

While doing fieldwork in a village in east Madagascar that had suffered both heavy settler colonialism and a bloody anticolonial rebellion, Jennifer Cole found herself confronted by a puzzle. People in the area had lived through almost a century of intrusive French colonial rule, but they appeared to have forgotten the colonial period in their daily lives. Then, during democratic elections in 1992–93, the terrifying memories came flooding back. Cole asks, How do once-colonized peoples remember the colonial period? Drawing on a fine-grained ethnography of the social practices of remembering and forgetting in one community, she develops a practice-based approach to social memory.

Slovenian national minorities in the four Slovenia’s neighboring countries are represented as a whole by the so-called umbrella organizations. Such status is recognized to these organizations by the countries where these communities live, as well as by the Republic of Slovenia. But among members of these Slovenian communities there are also very critical views that umbrella organizations do not have the necessary legitimacy and that such a system is not appropriate. The article first summarizes the historical reasons why the existing organizations established themselves as umbrella organizations, and then we present and compare the views of selected interviewees who are critical about the legitimacy and effectiveness of such an arrangement. We conclude with a reflection on possible reforms of representation of Slovenian minorities.