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Virgil the Blind Guide examines the repetition of certain linguistic configurations that have remained hidden because the meanings of the words involved do not relate to Virgil’s competence as guide. Uncovering tropes that have yet to be studied, Howard allows us to see new junctures in the poet’s travels, while highlighting Virgil’s impotence and diminishing his authority as regards other poets, guides, and the demons of Hell’s lower gate. The concealed route revealed by Dante’s figurative signposts establishes Virgil’s traits as foundational to the poem and allows for new perspectives and understandings of this critical character. Using this distinctive strategy, Virgil the Blind Guide helps us to piece together the complex puzzle that is Dante’s pagan guide and suggests new ways of understanding important characters that are applicable to a broad range of poetry and prose.

This paper charts Virginia Woolf’s use of arboreal imagery drawn from Dante and the Bible in Mrs Dalloway to argue that she employs and subverts traditional Christian symbolism to create a uniquely modern conception of interconnected immortal life. Guided by the images of the Edenic and infernal trees that pervade this novel, we can more fully grasp Woolf’s roots in religious tradition that branch into an utterly transformed vision of life and death. I argue that Woolf’s treatment of Christianity sheds a key light on secular re-conceptions of eschatology in the wake of modern(ist) social and psychological trauma.

mPalermu (2001) is the first play conceived and devised by Italian director Emma Dante to garner widespread critical acclaim. An ode to Palermo and to what Dante has denounced as its immobility, the one-act stages the unsuccessful attempts of the members of the Carollo family to leave their home for a Sunday stroll. The play nods to familiar Beckettian and Chekhovian dramas with its cyclical structure and themes. Much like the two tramps waiting for Godot and the three sisters dreaming of Moscow, the five Carollos never manage to break free from the confines that keep them from stepping beyond their threshold. But mPalermu is also, and perhaps most importantly, an example of \"civic theatre;\" a theatre striving for social justice that touches upon disparate social concerns, from gender inequality and gendered violence, to long-standing economic and cultural dynamics of power within the Italian nation. Here, Spedalieri examines how mPalermu's multilingual text underlines pervasive power dynamics connected to cultural hegemony and economic disparity that exist between Northern Italy and the Southern region of the Italian peninsula.

Even critics who dislike J.R.R. Tolkien can be caught conceding his skill at creating lifelike characters. Tolkien's fans go even further, admitting the sometimes unsettling experience of a Barliman Butterbur or Sam Gamgee seeming more real than some of their acquaintances--certainly much more real than that guy in the corner office. But Holmes submits that nothing shows Tolkien's skill in characterization more than the greatest persona he ever created: the character of the Oxford Professor, J.R.R. Tolkien. The very existence of this essay, as well as Tolkien's ten-year membership in the Oxford Dante Society, ought to be enough of an antidote to a scholarly oversubscription to Tolkien's pose as the \"Northren Man\" who only cares for the Boreal, the Germanic, the Rohirric, scorning the Southern, the Mediterranean, the Gondorian. Tolkien's championing of the Germanic and Celtic classicisms is a predilection, not a prejudice.

Several years ago, while visiting the Taylor Institute Library in Oxford, England, I had the opportunity to photograph the Oxford Dante Society Minutes.5 From these minutes I have created an index of those meetings attended by the aforementioned Inklings, where the meetings were held, who hosted the meeting, and the content covered.6 Index of Oxford Dante Society Meetings Attended by C. S. Lewis, Colin Hardie, Charles Williams, and J. R. R. Tolkien: May 25, 1937 to May 28, 1957.7 Key to Entries: From left to right, entries list: the Inkling(s) present at the meeting, date of the meeting, college where the society met, (host), material covered or read at meeting, and significant events.8 Lewis. 5/25/37. Hardie presented as a communication the Bolognese Sinoventese of 1276 in which a velbro [?] with Montebello peltro is invoked as the Sanirosia of the Ghibellines in Raigad, and drew attention to Charlemagne's two dreams of help from \"Veltre's' in the Chanson de Roland.\" Hardie read a note on \"Trajai and the Widow: Variation on a elastic theme with illustrations.\" The Society voted to keep Professor Lewis' membership in abeyance in expectation of his eventual return to active membership.\"

There is a strong sense that lyric poetry is failing (\"never yet the conquering chant did rise\") and needs fresh inspiration-and this is found here through the backward glance.8 While A. C. Swinburne, Christina Rossetti, and Dante Gabriel Rossetti wrote occasionally and memorably in Parnassian forms, the preceding poem by Payne is more typical of the plethora of poems published during the Parnassian revival: a vogue which had at its heart short forms written by \"minor\" poets. Included in the anthologies that represented the movement there is some extremely compelling writing by, for example, May Probyn (see her \"Villanelle\"; White, p. 263), Emily Pfeiffer (e.g., \"A Ballade of the Thunder-See\"; White, p. 48), and A. Mary F. Robinson (whose Italian Garden contained more than a few French flowers).9 However, the poets most invested in shaping the movement as a movement were a small group containing at its heart Austin Dobson, John Payne, Edmund Gosse, and Andrew Lang. By contrast, A. Mary F. Robinson, for example, was somewhat aloof from their earnest cataloging in her preference for mixing influences into a pan-European identity.10 Robinson's tongue-in-cheek chiding of Vernon Lee-in French ballade form-for her obsession with \"forgotten tunes\" might also serve as a comment on the Parnassian collectors (White, p. 52). A substantial article in The Athenaeum of 1888, titled \"Artificial Forms of Verse,\" encapsulates something of this opposition in its combined review of E. Clarence Stedman's recently revised edition of Victorian Poets, and Gleeson White's 1887 collection of Parnassian poems, Ballades and Rondeaus, Chants Royal, Sestinas, Villanelles, &c. (The review is published anonymously although it has some striking similarities with the work of the prolific critic Theodore WattsDunton published in chapter 7 of Poetry and the Renascence of Wonder, under the title \"The Ballad and Other Forms of Verse.\")

(Edelman 12–13; emphasis in original). Because of this blame placed on queer people and communities, the engagement in practices that pressure reproductive logics is framed as non-normative because they refute ideals and practices that are valorized in heteronormative contexts.7 In one of the many letters that Dante sends to Ari, he discloses his attraction to other boys. [...]coming out prior to the legalization of same-sex marriage in the United States commonly involved a realization of the possibility that one would not be able to marry a person of the same gender. While Dante uses his parents' marriage as a model for gauging his own relationship with Aristotle, his yearning for an institutionalized union between two men remains incongruous given the novel's space-time. Since marriage among many queer people was still illegal in most states in 2012 (the year in which this novel was published), this instance, although historically suspect, ruptures the boundaries that exist between historical representation and fictional projections. Scholars such as Roberta Seelinger Trites have suggested that these narratives often position adolescent characters as figures who must align themselves against parental figures (whether real or imaginary) \"so that they can fully enter into the Symbolic Order\" (83). [...]the trope in which queer characters abandon the space of home and the family can be approached as an instance of this symbolic murder of the parent figure in order to enable the processes of coming out and self-actualization. 9.

[...]my arguments are based mainly on the nature of Moore’s art, on the observations of previous commentators of his work, and on the historic, cultural appropriation of Dante’s imagery. ________ Henry Moore joined the Civil Service Rifles in 1917 at the age of 18 and went on to fight in the battle of Cambrai in northern France as a member of the 1st Battalion. What a survivor of the Salient remembers fifty years later are the walls of dirt and the ceiling of sky, and his eloquent optative cry rises as if he were still imprisoned there.7 The psychological effects of military conflict began to emerge soon after the First World War started. Small Helmet Head (1950; private collection, LH 283), for example, has the unmistakable overtones of a military gas mask, and the starring eyes of his Helmet Head No. 2 (1950; Art Gallery of New South Wales, Sydney, LH 281 cast g) recall Wilfred Owen’s horrifying wartime poem, “Dulce et Decorum Est” (c.1917–18), in which a wide-eyed soldier is suffocating in a haze of chlorine gas. Fussell compared the infamous battles of Mametz Wood and High Wood in 1916 to Dante’s vision of the sinister forest in the opening of Inferno,19 and Merritt Cutler reported that a battle near Bellicourt in 1918 resembled a hellish scene from the same canticle.20 We know that Moore was aware of Dante’s Divine Comedy as his library contained Kenneth Clark’s The Drawings by Sandro Botticelli for Dante’s ‘Divine Comedy,’ as well as L’Enfer de Dante Alighieri, which was illustrated by Doré.21 Henry’s daughter Mary Moore has said that her father particularly admired Doré’s work because of the way he used light and shade to suggest solid form.22 We also know that Moore’s interest in Dante persisted over the years.