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How was the post-modernist project contested, subverted and assimilated in India? This book offers a personal account and an intellectual history of its reception and response. Tracing independent India's engagement with Western critical theory, Paranjape outlines both its past and 'post'. The book explores the discursive trajectories of post-modernism, post-colonialism, post-Marxism, post-nationalism, post-feminism, post-secularism - the relations that mediate them - as well as interprets, in the light of these discussions, core tenets of Indian philosophical thought. Paranjape argues that India's response to the modernist project is neither submission, willing or reluctant, nor repudiation, intentional or forced; rather India's 'modernity' is 'unauthorized', different, subversive, alter-native and alter-modern. The book makes the case for a new integrative hermeneutics, the idea of the indigenous 'critical vernacular', and presents a radical shift in the understanding of svaraj (beyond decolonisation and nationalism) to express transformations at both personal and political levels.

Enlightenment in the Colony opens up the history of the \"Jewish question\" for the first time to a broader discussion--one of the social exclusion of religious and cultural minorities in modern times, and in particular the crisis of Muslim identity in modern India. Aamir Mufti identifies the Hindu-Muslim conflict in India as a colonial variation of what he calls \"the exemplary crisis of minority\"--Jewishness in Europe. He shows how the emergence of this conflict in the late nineteenth century represented an early instance of the reinscription of the \"Jewish question\" in a non-Western society undergoing modernization under colonial rule. In so doing, he charts one particular route by which this European phenomenon linked to nation-states takes on a global significance.

\"Geographies of Anticolonialism brings together a varied selection of historical sources and literature to explore Indian anticolonialism in new ways. Anticolonialism, an often overlooked concept in geography, can be defined as internal and external resistance to the practices and by-products of colonial rule, such as racism, militarism, resource exploitation, and land dispossession. Linked to, but different from post- and decolonial approaches, anticolonial geographies are explicitly political in nature - offering a different perspective to geographers seeking to understand political resistance to colonialism. The author addresses contemporary studies that argue nationalism was joined by other political processes, such as revolutionary and anarchist ideologies, to shape the Indian independence movement. A focus on a specific anticolonial group, the \"Pondicherry Gang,\" investigates their significant impact which exceeded their small numbers and short period of activity. Operating in the south of India, an underrepresented area of study when compared to Bengal and the Punjab, members of the Pondicherry resistance became spiritual gurus, reinvigorated the Tamil language, and conducted the only political assassination in the region. In examining such activities, Geographies of Anticolonialism helps readers understand the diverse nature of anticolonialism, which in turn prompts thinking about the various geographies produced through anticolonial activity\"-- Provided by publisher.

This article discusses how the critique of the monopoly of Western liberal thought through the decolonisation movement that was intended to increase the number of voices heard has been co-opted by nationalist politics in India and Russia. The debates in higher education in these countries reflect current key questions on the nature of the Indian and Russian nations-both under respective nationalist governments-where both are advocating a cutting off from Western modernity. Using Mignolo's concept of \"de-linking\" that was intended to raise up non-Western ways of thinking, the article shows that India and Russia have adapted and simplified decolonial discourse to reject \"Western-influenced\" critiques of development, inequality, and authoritarianism. Under political pressure from these authoritarian regimes, universities have helped to embed repressive majoritarian politics through anti-Western rhetoric disguised as de-linking, enabling democratic backsliding by discrediting opposition. This is done to protect a new identity based upon state conceptions of traditional values, paradoxically erasing minority voices that do not fit neatly into the unified national narrative. When universities are branded as Western agents for being critical of local traditions and schools of thought, the space for critical thinking and democratic debate is ultimately removed, leaving those who oppose Putin and Modi with no safe way to engage with political discourse, and this actually undermines the intentions of decolonial philosophy. (HRK / Abstract übernommen).

To my mind, every Indigenous archaeology practiced across the length and breadth of the world is uniquely situated within its own socio-cultural and political milieu. In this respect, no processes within its practice are identical in nature. Proceeding a step further from Felix Acuto’s experience of Latin American Indigenous archaeology, this discussion piece examines the nature of the Indigenous community’s involvement in archaeological research within a South Asian context, locating the frame within Northeast India, particularly Nagaland. This takes a rather more interesting turn when the engagement constitutes an archaeology ‘with, for and by Indigenous peoples’ themselves who belong to a certain Indigenous community, who are either inside or outside of the participant community. Engaging local people in archaeological excavations has long been commonplace in Indian archaeology. In most of excavations by John Marshall and Mortimer Wheeler of Harappan urban sites, one cannot fail but notice the ubiquitous frame of black-and-white photographs – local workers clad in white dhoti and turbans, seen in various working postures and gaits inside the trenches, aiding in daily routine digs with brushes and brooms, circular trays filled with soil and occasional scatterings of pickaxes and spades. With shifting powers from the British Raj and Indian archaeologists now taking charge of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) after Wheeler’s departure, it is still disheartening to notice that such imageries continue to persist in numerous field reports even within a post-colonial experience (for a critical appraisal, see Avikunthak 2021). What the images evoke is the sort of community engagement that the country has experienced for more than 150 years of Indian archaeology in practice. One may never know clearly for sure what the nature and extent of the local people’s participation in such large-scale digs was during colonial times, but this entices us to ask the few obvious questions – is such research made explicit within a participatory praxis, or can it be equally engaging and collaborative with equitable research aims? Or did such initiatives dismantle power structures and relations between local workers and the archaeologists leading the excavations? Until recently, community consultation and engagement have rarely been a part of the archaeological research agenda in India, with a few exceptions addressed by Rizvi (2006; 2020), Selvakumar (2006), Jamir (2014) and Menon and Varma (2019). Unfortunately, even today, archaeology in South Asia continues to demonstrate a lack of collaborative archaeological practice and instead continues to replicate colonial models of interaction with local communities (Rizvi 2008, 127). I, however, view the role of Indigenous community engagement in archaeological research as a starting point for decolonizing archaeological practice in Northeast India, particularly in Nagaland (Jamir 2024). Therefore, to underscore a contrast, I wish to draw a few case examples from the region of Northeast India.

\"Focuses on the role of the processes and mechanisms involved in metropolitan identity construction, maintenance, and change in twentieth century decolonization, an event integral to world politics but little studied in International Relations. Besides contributing to a more complete picture of the various mechanisms which are involved in decolonization, this book questions ideational and constructivist approaches and complicates the argument that the adoption of positive norms like racial equality, democracy, human rights, and self-determination by colonial powers and their extension to their colonies were primarily responsible for how the colonial power came to reject colonialism. More specifically, the author examines Britain and India during the interwar period and the Indonesian disengagement from East Timor and argues that what were previously considered uncomplicated positive norms like democracy and human rights are embedded in discursive structures, processes, and mechanisms of far greater complexity than previously realized. These ideas must be examined for a more complete understanding of their role not only in decolonization but in the relationship between the North and South more generally\"-- Provided by publisher.

The paper goes beyond critique to read institutional approaches, specifically institutional logics of CSR in India and their management by Indian firms, from a post-colonial location, to explore decolonising possibilities. Drawing on post-colonial approach of catachrestic reading, it reads institutional logics of CSR literature to argue against a linear hierarchical travel of western CSR logic into India, which is then adapted/adopted/translated or decoupled, along with the secondary status this implies for India; and suggests that Indian and western CSR logics are competing logics. It argues that these competing logics are non-core, but significant and need to be managed by Indian firms. An exploratory survey supports this argument. It also suggests a few testable propositions for CSR institutional logics using \"deferment of routine development\" and \"strategic ambiguity in meanings\" as mechanisms. In addition, it shows that decolonising purpose can also be realised by having cross-paradigmatic engagements with mainstream management and organisation studies scholarship such as institutional approaches.

Background/Objectives: Particularly in racially and ethnically diverse countries, the necessity of providing individualized care to people seeking diet advice is increasingly recognized and embedded in practice guidelines. Some jurisdictions have a history of colonization with subjugation and marginalization of the Indigenous population, which has led to serious health inequities. One overarching strategy to reduce health inequities is to provide education through a decolonizing lens, so that graduate healthcare professionals, such as dietitians, have a better understanding of how to mitigate colonial attitudes, racism, stereotyping and other behaviours, thereby improving health equity. This review aims to summarize and evaluate educational strategies to decolonize dietetics training programs. Methods: A narrative review was conducted. Results: Professional dietetics organizations in Canada, Australia and New Zealand have incorporated Indigenous-specific outcomes into their standards of practice. Six primary research studies were reviewed, two each from Australia, New Zealand and the United States. The strategies developed include reviewing curriculum content, providing experiential learning opportunities and identifying barriers to the participation of Indigenous students in dietetics programs. Lack of engagement of Indigenous persons in curriculum development, planning and evaluation of efforts is a gap that needs to be addressed. Conclusions: Meeting practice standards and closing the health equity gap for Indigenous peoples require additional research and implementation into practice.