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In Unfriendly to Liberty , Christopher F. Minty explores the origins of loyalism in New York City between 1768 and 1776, and revises our understanding of the coming of the American Revolution. Through detailed analyses of those who became loyalists, Minty argues that would-be loyalists came together long before Lexington and Concord to form an organized, politically motivated, and inclusive political group that was centered around the DeLancey faction. Following the DeLanceys' election to the New York Assembly in 1768, these men, elite and nonelite, championed an inclusive political economy that advanced the public good, and they strongly protested Parliament's reorientation of the British Empire. For New York loyalists, it was local politics, factions, institutions, and behaviors that governed their political activities in the build up to the American Revolution. By focusing on political culture, organization, and patterns of allegiance, Unfriendly to Liberty shows how the contending allegiances of loyalists and patriots were all but locked in place by 1775 when British troops marched out of Boston to seize caches of weapons in neighboring villages. Indeed, local political alignments that were formed in the imperial crises of the 1760s and 1770s provided a critical platform for the divide between loyalists and patriots in New York City. Political and social disputes coming out of the Seven Years' War, more than republican radicalization in the 1770s, forged the united force that would make New York City a center of loyalism throughout the American Revolution.

This chapter addresses how Alexander McDougall capitalized on the DeLanceys' inaction to mobilize support not only in New York but across the Eastern Seaboard. From mid-1774, New Yorkers' associations and loyalties were tested. Radical Whigs like McDougall and John Holt often sided with those who described themselves as patriots. Those who were establishment or moderate Whigs were forced to determine if they would move toward radicalism or go in the other direction. Meanwhile, a majority of the DeLanceys became loyalists. The chapter then looks at the First Continental Congress. New Yorkers' contrasting actions toward two different congressional delegations offer an insight into Manhattan's political climate. Both the DeLanceyites and McDougallites were attempting to influence, even control, the city's public spaces.

This chapter evaluates how the DeLanceys governed in the assembly after the 1769 elections. It examines how they tried to maintain support considering fresh opposition and politically naïve governing as New Yorkers increasingly believed that Parliament was exerting undue control over their lives. The DeLanceys' political rise in 1760s Manhattan was driven by and dependent on their inclusion of non-elites in the political economic process, and their focus on financial stability was a form of economic reductionism. Their mistake challenged their political ascendancy, as some New Yorkers saw them as somewhat Manichean. One person confronted them head on, Alexander McDougall. McDougall's opposition to the DeLanceys presented New Yorkers with a competing political economy. Like many other radicals, he vehemently opposed Parliament's reorientation of the British imperial state.

This chapter assesses how Alexander McDougall, a Scottish immigrant, mobilized support in opposition to the DeLanceys and successfully created a political association that offered an alternative vision for Manhattan's future. McDougall was committed to securing and advancing New Yorkers' constitutional rights. His arrest, as well as the events that followed, mobilized people who were against the DeLanceys, or apathetic toward them. However, McDougall's supporters recognized the effectiveness of the DeLanceyite methods of political mobilization, and they adopted similar approaches to mobilize support. With McDougall in jail at the New Gaol, Isaac Sears and John Lamb had moved quickly to mobilize support for their new associate. To counter the actions of the DeLanceys, the three men decided on a scheme that emphasized the Britishness of colonial New York's political culture, using recent, relevant political characters and events to advance their cause.

This epilogue explores how New York loyalists built new lives in London, and they continued to socialize with like-minded associates. However, it was near-impossible to replicate the lives they had in Manhattan. Other DeLanceyite loyalists went elsewhere, settling in Canada, Jamaica, the Bahamas, India, Sierra Leone, and beyond. For those who stayed in Britain, their families often remained intertwined with the British Empire. Ultimately, the associationism of the 1760s and 1770s, cultivated and stewarded by the DeLanceys, endured after the American Revolution, despite the loyalist exodus, with many of the same people and families occupying key roles. Much of this was possible because of the broad-based political mobilization of New York City's white male population.

This chapter begins by exploring the citywide debates over the Townshend Acts and nonimportation. It shows how the DeLanceys and Alexander McDougall held competing political economies and interpretations of how New York City fitted into the British Empire. For many, McDougall represented political liberty and the city's freedom as he continued to advocate for colonial autonomy. He, like many others, including the DeLanceys, sought the repeal of the Townshend Acts. The chapter then explores the practical consequences of political mobilization, using three DeLanceyites' networks to demonstrate how their associationism dramatically influenced whom they interacted with and how often. It presents how the DeLanceys coalesced into an inward-looking association that was composed of politically like-minded individuals.

This chapter examines how the DeLanceys legislated when they were in power, showing how they implemented their political beliefs and followed through on much of what they campaigned on. The DeLanceys had expanded the ways in which non-elites could take part in their city's political culture, inundating public spaces with eighteenth-century conceptions of manliness and civic virtue to create an informal civic-minded political association with broad-based support. They also rearticulated their commitment to be the people's representatives within the assembly. They increased their future loyalist votes in 1769 by 44 percent, while the Livingstons' future loyalist votes fell by 29 percent. The DeLanceys' rhetoric about securing economic independence spoke to the interests that mattered to these men. Indeed, many future loyalists associated with the DeLanceys, and through their association, they cultivated a group consciousness that encouraged partisanship within New York.

\"We've been aware of opioid addiction being a problem increasingly, although we don't have statistics at this point in the NWT. But the fentanyl crisis, it has sort of been in the last year that it's been on our radar screen,\" she said. \"We're working to make sure we get to a stage where every region has naloxone available. It's early in the process. In other regions, they are at various stages of having scheduled training for staff to use it, or not having scheduled (yet), in which case we're now sort of aggressively working with them to get that done. In some cases we haven't heard back. In the regions I haven't mentioned it's a matter of still gathering the information as opposed to definitely saying 'it's not there.'\" [Debbie DeLancey] expected to have a clearer picture sometime this week. DeLancey said prescription drug abuse was a hot topic at a health ministers forum in Vancouver in January. \"One of the benefits we get from those national meetings is being able to learn from best practices,\" DeLancey said. \"So we're in the early stages of setting up a prescription drug monitoring program. This is an issue all the health ministers are concerned with for sure.\"

This chapter discusses the 1768 election in New York City and County for the colony's General Assembly. It begins by offering an introduction of the DeLanceyites' candidates before moving onto the faction's campaign strategies. The chapter focuses on their innovative use of print and the city's tavern culture to mobilize broad-based support from the city's considerable voting population. Ultimately, the election results had a demonstrable impact upon colonists' views of the DeLancey–Livingston rivalry. The 1768 General Assembly in New York City tested the electoral strength of Robert Livingston of Clermont and his family's interests. The political tide had shifted toward the DeLanceys, whose inclusive campaign had enabled them to communicate their ideas, organize support, and encourage partisan behavior.