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What can we learn from exploring the history of the questions that could not be asked, the connections that could not be made, and the research that could not be done? What are the challenges of demilitarization for society and political institutions at large, when academic research itself is shaped by layers of silence? Asking these and other questions, this article proposes “methodological militarism” as a tool to understand the deeply ingrained workings of militarism in academic knowledge production and engages in a search for the “better story” of demilitarizing academia. Since January 2016, more than 2,000 academics in Turkey have been facing the dire consequences of having signed the Academics for Peace petition asking for an end to militarized state violence and human rights violations in Turkey’s southeastern cities. Departing from this moment of rupture and focusing critically on my own scholarship, the article raises questions about the historical making of the academic cultures of militarism as well as the limits and possibilities of their unmaking.

PurposeHigh amounts of ammunition that has reached the end of life stored in depots have become a large-scale problem for many countries around the world. The disposal of this type of product has been causing great concern to societies in general, given the potential environmental impacts and risks to human health. Therefore, in view of the facts previously presented, this research presents, as its main goal, a systematic approach to assist in the preparation of the inventory of the conventional ammunition demilitarization process to perform a life-cycle assessment, related to the disposal phase of product. This fact provides an early analysis of the product disposal action and can help in decision-making processes, guiding actions and decisions in a more environmentally responsible direction.MethodsA systematic approach based on the basic principles of the life-cycle assessment processes, structured in phases and detailed in a logical sequence of activities, is presented. So it is possible to analyze the demilitarization process of some conventional models of tank, artillery, and mortar ammunitions. A case study is carried out with the 105-mm HE M1 ammunition. In this case study, two different hypothetical scenarios are analyzed: scenario no. 1 uses traditional demilitarization techniques, known as open burning and open detonation and scenario no. 2 uses alternative demilitarization techniques, with the use of equipment for mechanical removal of the fuze, sectioning of the projectile by saw, and destruction of the energetic material in a static kiln. The life-cycle impact assessment is carried out based on three complementary methods (CML, USETox, and TRACI) to assess eleven impact categories.Results and discussionThe results show that the systematic presented effectively assists in the preparation of the inventory and in the life-cycle impact assessment of the ammunition demilitarization process. Additionally, it proved to be simple and practical to use. About the case study, the results show that the use of alternative techniques may be a more responsible option to perform the ammunition demilitarization, when compared with traditional techniques, although it may be greatly influenced by the boundary conditions of the scenario in which it is inserted.ConclusionsThe fact of that systematic approach presented effectively assists in the preparation of the inventory and in the life-cycle impact assessment of the ammunition demilitarization process demonstrates that it is capable to provide an early analysis of the product disposal action. So it can be stated that the respective systematic can help in decision-making processes, showing which ammunition demilitarization process presents itself as a more environmentally responsible option.

On Aug 8, Israel's security cabinet approved the occupation of Gaza City, formalizing what was always the endgame of this genocide. The plan follows a deliberate sequence: First destroy, then starve, occupy, demand demilitarization, and finally carry out full ethnic cleansing once Palestinians have no political power and capacity to resist. This is how the dream of \"Greater Israel\" is achieved. But why formalize this occupation now, after 22 months of systematic slaughter? Because the crime scene must be sanitized before the world sees what remains of Gaza. On Aug 10, the Israeli army assassinated Al Jazeera journalists Anas Al-Sharif, Mohammed Qreiqeh, Ibrahim Zaher, Mohammed Noufal and Moamen Aliwa by dropping a missile on a media tent near al-Shifa Hospital. Their names are now added to the long list of more than 270 Palestinian journalists and media workers that Israel has killed since Oct 2023. With Israel banning all foreign media from freely accessing Gaza, Palestinian journalists have been solely responsible for covering and documenting Israeli war crimes. The assassination is a clear message to them to stop, to stay silent.

The article examines Russian propaganda by signaling--published in the government daily Rossiiskaia Gazeta (Russian Gazette)--about the demilitarization of Finland's Aland Islands. Due to historical agreements, it is Russia that supervises the demilitarization process, a particular flashpoint for Finns in light of the 2022 full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. Following Finland's accession to NATO, the two topics became tied together in Russian official discourse. Russian narratives have sought to balance reminding the world of Russian military might with avoiding expressing outright dissatisfaction with Finnish accession to NATO--a sentiment that is instead channeled through objections to the militarization of the Aland Islands. The analysis draws on Maton's Legitimation Code Theory, specifically Chubb and Wang's theorization of propaganda by signaling.

This article analyzes ethnographic data that shows long-term militarization forms a significant part of state governance of the population and environment in the Arctic. Kola Peninsula, the study region, is a borderland with the West and has since the 1950s been a heavily militarized area. Applying insights from research on militarization, subjectivities, materiality, borders, and regionalism in autocratic regimes, I show how militarization shapes the environment and the lives of Indigenous reindeer herders. Despite discourses of demilitarization in the 1990s, Kola Peninsula did not move away from militarization as part of governance. The article explores what I call continuous militarization by engaging with two phenomena: (a) fencing off territories for military use and infrastructure, and (b) nuclear pollution. It discusses the interrelations of materiality and knowledge in maintaining Indigenous subjectivities and culture in line with the objectives of militarization, and shows how Russia uses participation in the Barents Euro-Arctic Region to support the objectives of militarization and justify them to the local population. The article finds that militarization is employed by the authorities to solidify the current autocratic regime among residents in the Arctic.

This article focuses on how ex-combatants in South Africa remain militarised. Identities which were forged through resistance continue to be reproduced in different ways in post-conflict society. Military identity is a source of status and recognition in the everyday lives of excombatants, either as 'defenders of the community' or for individual gain. While some may argue that there is no such thing as military identity, the group of ex-combatants interviewed remained attached to such an identity and saw themselves as having a particular role in their communities. While studies, particularly in Africa, present ex-combatants as if they can be easily transformed into civilian life, this article considers the difficulties of such a process. The argument is that it is a complex matter to demilitarise ex-combatants' minds in a highly unequal and militarised community. Sixteen life history interviews were collected, 11 with APLA ex-combatants and five with Zimbabwean army deserters.

Nzikitanza for accordion, violin, cello and tape was written in 2012 as a reflection on the deployment of Sicilian territory for NATO and US military operations. In particular, the piece was inspired by the then newly formed resistance committee against the MUOS in Niscemi. This brief commentary will illustrate a priori and a posteriori reflections on the status of the piece as a contribution to forms of antagonistic culture.

The Allied forces in occupied Japan had two main tasks: to punish and eliminate from public life those found responsible for war crimes, and to democratise the country. One of the tools used to achieve these objectives was a large-scale political purge targeted against the pre-war military and political elite, members of nationalist organisations, employees of the state administration and media, educators and business leaders. The paper examines the rationale behind the purge organized between 1945 and 1952, the assumptions upon which it was based, procedures used and the effects that it had. The main focus is on the fate of political activists. It also presents the efforts to prepare the ground in parliament for a vote on a new, pacifist constitution and the way in which Cold War tensions changed the priorities of the US occupation and lead to the so-called red purge. Selected individual cases are analysed, including that of Hatoyama Ichirōwhose removal from politics and subsequent conflict with Yoshida Shigeru had far reaching implications for the post-war political scene in Japan.

Megasthenes was an eyewitness to the reign of Chandragupta Maurya, maker of the first India-wide empire (from ca. 321 BCE). The army with which he made that empire depended largely upon the supply of men, horses, elephants, and oxen, a sector which may be called military livestock. Megasthenes’ account of this large sector of government expense and the policies under which it operated gives important testimony about the causes of Chandragupta's success, namely the maintenance of a royal monopoly of horses, elephants, and arms, payment of the soldiers in peacetime and war, the demilitarization of the farmers, and the separation of the soldiers from the land. Over the long run of Indian history, from the Mauryan Empire to the present, the environmental roots of the political order lay in the complementary distribution of horse and elephant country, to the dry west and humid east of a line running down the middle of the Subcontinent; that is, respectively, the valleys of the Indus and the Ganga. The dominating power of India has always had its capital in elephant country, the valley of the Ganga, in cities from Pataliputra (Patna) to Kanauj to Delhi, in a position from which to control the eastward flow of horses and the westward flow of elephants to other states.