Explore the vast range of titles available.

Despite a late and fitful start, democracy in Africa, Latin America, and Eastern Europe has recently shown promising growth. Kathleen M. Fallon discusses the role of women and women's advocacy groups in furthering the democratic transformation of formerly autocratic states. Using Ghana as a case study, Fallon examines the specific processes women are using to bring about political change. She assesses information gathered from interviews and surveys conducted in Ghana and assays the existing literature to provide a focused look at how women have become involved in the democratization of sub-Saharan nations. The narrative traces the history of democratic institutions in the region—from the imposition of male-dominated mechanisms by western states to latter-day reforms that reflect the active resurgence of women's political power within many African cultures—to show how women have made significant recent political gains in Ghana and other emerging democracies. Fallon attributes these advances to a combination of forces, including the decline of the authoritarian state and its attendant state-run women's organizations, newly formed constitutions, and newfound access to good-governance funding. She draws the study into the larger debate over gendered networks and democratic reform by exploring how gender roles affect and are affected by the state in Africa, Latin America, and Eastern Europe. In demonstrating how women's activism is evolving with and shaping democratization across the region, Democracy and the Rise of Women's Movements in Sub-Saharan Africa reveals how women's social movements are challenging the barriers created by colonization and dictatorships in Africa and beyond.

\"Faced with a transition to multiparty democracy, many assume that breaking the power of incumbents is necessary to develop a stable, highly institutionalized party system. But, in fact, across Sub-Saharan Africa, the incumbent's demise is sufficient to ensure a highly volatile, weakly institutionalized party system in the democratic era. A strong authoritarian incumbent produces a more coherent, stable party competition, with the unintended consequences of promoting national territorial coverage; stronger partisan identities; opposition cohesion; and, ultimately, democratic accountability. In Ghana, for example, the incumbent military leader and authoritarian revolutionary J. J. Rawlings and his National Democratic Congress (NDC) party swept the founding elections in 1992. Since that time, Ghana has developed a highly institutionalized party system with low levels of volatility and an alternating majority between stable parties. Ghana has experienced two democratic turnovers, and the two major parties, the NDC and the New Patriotic Party (NPP), are deeply connected to their constituencies, they organize across the national territory to compete in every constituency, they mobilize participation during and beyond elections, and they aggregate coalitions of diverse citizens and interests. The NDC and the NPP alike are enduring entities that help shape individual partisan identities and structure national, regional, and local competition\"-- Provided by publisher.

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) and related activities have been a topic of debate and discussion among policymakers and stakeholders, as well as common citizens in the African region, especially in Ghana. The current anti-LGBTI-related bill being put before Ghana's Parliament signifies the intensity of the issue. Even though some studies have looked at some aspects of the issue, no study presently has explored people's opinion on the passage of any future anti-LGBTI and related legislations in Ghana. This study examined the perspective of tertiary-level students on the passage of anti-LGBTI legislation, as well as the non-physical factors that influence support for the passage of anti-LGBTI and related legislation in Ghana. The study employed a quantitative cross-sectional design using 1,001 tertiary-level students. The study used convenience sampling technique with an online closed-ended, structured survey questionnaire as the main data collection instrument. The data was then analysed using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences, version 29 at a 5% significance level. The results of the study indicated that majority of the respondents (81%) were in support of the passage of anti-LGBTI and related legislations. Their reasons included the health implications of LGBTI and related activities (63%), cultural and societal values (62%), religious reasons (54%), and western culture (25%). Also, almost half of the respondents (49%) held that health related perceptions about LGBTI have little or no empirical basis. The inferential analysis, further, revealed that even when age and sex assigned at birth are controlled, perceived health implications of LGBTI ([beta] = 0.247, p = < .001), religious beliefs ([beta] = 0.189, p = < .001), and cultural values ([beta] = 0.218, p = < .001) positively predict the support for passage of anti-LGBTI legislation. People's level of support for the passage of anti-LGBTI legislation is influenced by several factors including religious beliefs, cultural values, and the perceived health implications of LGBTI. There is, however, the need for policy makers and other stakeholders to create awareness and educate the public about the various perceptions about LGBTI and related activities that are not scientifically legitimate.

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) and related activities have been a topic of debate and discussion among policymakers and stakeholders, as well as common citizens in the African region, especially in Ghana. The current anti-LGBTI-related bill being put before Ghana's Parliament signifies the intensity of the issue. Even though some studies have looked at some aspects of the issue, no study presently has explored people's opinion on the passage of any future anti-LGBTI and related legislations in Ghana. This study examined the perspective of tertiary-level students on the passage of anti-LGBTI legislation, as well as the non-physical factors that influence support for the passage of anti-LGBTI and related legislation in Ghana. The study employed a quantitative cross-sectional design using 1,001 tertiary-level students. The study used convenience sampling technique with an online closed-ended, structured survey questionnaire as the main data collection instrument. The data was then analysed using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences, version 29 at a 5% significance level. The results of the study indicated that majority of the respondents (81%) were in support of the passage of anti-LGBTI and related legislations. Their reasons included the health implications of LGBTI and related activities (63%), cultural and societal values (62%), religious reasons (54%), and western culture (25%). Also, almost half of the respondents (49%) held that health related perceptions about LGBTI have little or no empirical basis. The inferential analysis, further, revealed that even when age and sex assigned at birth are controlled, perceived health implications of LGBTI ([beta] = 0.247, p = < .001), religious beliefs ([beta] = 0.189, p = < .001), and cultural values ([beta] = 0.218, p = < .001) positively predict the support for passage of anti-LGBTI legislation. People's level of support for the passage of anti-LGBTI legislation is influenced by several factors including religious beliefs, cultural values, and the perceived health implications of LGBTI. There is, however, the need for policy makers and other stakeholders to create awareness and educate the public about the various perceptions about LGBTI and related activities that are not scientifically legitimate.

Participatory democracy is a promising solution to the shortcomings of the traditional approach to urban planning. However, in Ho (Ghana) and Kpalimé (Togo), it raises questions about the effective involvement of citizens in decision-making processes. This study examines the mechanisms put in place to encourage their participation. To explore this issue, we used a mixed-methods approach that included interviews with municipal officials and other urban actors, surveys of residents, and direct observation. The Arnstein approach was used as a framework to shed light on the degree of control and influence that citizens actually exercise in planning and decision-making processes. This approach allows us to determine whether citizens are merely informed (levels 3–4) or actively involved in decision making (levels 6–8). This allows us to highlight the shortcomings of participatory mechanisms in both cities. Colonial legacies and political approaches influence how authorities manage participation, while traditions and cultural norms shape citizens’ expectations and behaviors. In Ho, a culture of collaboration and transparency favors participatory methods, while in Kpalimé, respect for hierarchies and a more centralized approach limit forms of direct engagement. These differences highlight the importance of taking these dimensions into account to better understand and improve local governance practices in these two contexts.

This study examines the determinants influencing the likelihood of Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries seeking assistance from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The IMF, as a global institution, aims to promote sustainable growth and prosperity among its member countries by supporting economic strategies that foster financial stability and collaboration in monetary affairs. Utilising panel-probit regression, this study analyses data from thirty-nine SSA countries spanning from 2000 to 2022, focusing on twelve factors: Current Account Balance (CAB), inflation, corruption, General Government Net Lending and Borrowing (GGNLB), General Government Gross Debt (GGGD), Gross Domestic Product Growth (GDPG), United Nations Security Council (UNSC) involvement, regime types (Closed Autocracy, Electoral Democracy, Electoral Autocracy, Liberal Democracy) and China Loan. The results indicate that corruption and GDP growth rate have the most significant influence on the likelihood of SSA countries seeking IMF assistance. Conversely, factors such as CAB, UNSC involvement, LD and inflation show inconsequential effects. Notable, countries like Sudan, Burundi, and Guinea consistently rank high in seeking IMF assistance over various time frames within the observed period. Sudan emerges with a probability of more than 44% in seeking IMF assistance, holding the highest ranking. Study emphasises the importance of understanding SSA region rankings and the variability of variables for policymakers, investors, and international organisations to effectively address economic challenges and provide financial assistance.

This article reports on the effects of domestic election observers on electoral fraud and violence. Using an experimental research design and polling station data on fraud and violence during Ghana’s 2012 elections, it shows that observers reduced fraud and violence at the polling stations which they monitored. It is argued that local electoral competition shapes party activists’ response to observers. As expected, in single-party dominant areas, parties used their local political networks to relocate fraud to polling stations without an election observer, and, in contrast, party activists relocated violence to stations without observers in competitive areas – a response that requires less local organizational capacity. This highlights how local party organization and electoral incentives can shape the manipulative electoral strategies employed by parties in democratic elections.

Private Health Sector Assessment in Ghana is part of the World Bank Working Paper series. These papers are published to communicate the results of the Bank’s ongoing research and to stimulate public discussion. The private health sector in Ghana is a large and important sector in the market for health-related goods and services. However, little has been documented concerning the size and configuration of private providers and their contribution to health sector outcomes. With better information about the size, scope, distribution, and constraints of private actors, Ghana’s public policy makers could engage more effectively with the private sector. The scope of the Ghana study involved assessing the role of its private sector in the overall health system; considering the potential of the private sector to play a greater role; and identifying ways to improve the public-private interface to increase equity, access, and efficiency in the health system.