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Desde el trabajo de Sartori, son escasas las tipologías de sistemas de partidos elaboradas, y las más recientes se centran en uno o dos criterios de clasificación, teniendo como referente las democracias. Este artículo propone una tipología de sistemas de partidos aplicable tanto en regímenes democráticos como en autoritarios pluralistas. Está basada en cuatro dimensiones: competencia, estabilidad del sistema de partidos, número y equilibrio entre partidos y polarización. Para verificar su validez, la tipología se aplica a tres regímenes políticos del Magreb: Túnez (democracia defectiva), Marruecos (autoritarismo cuasi competitivo) y Argelia (autoritarismo hegemónico). Su aplicación corrobora la validez de la tipología como forma de caracterizar los sistemas de partidos y permitir las investigaciones comparadas transnacionales. Since the pioneering work by Sartori, few typologies have been created for party systems and the most recent ones have focused on one or two classification criteria, using democracies as their reference. This article proposes a typology of party systems that can be applied to both democratic and pluralist authoritarian regimes. It is based on four dimensions: competition, party system stability, number and balance between parties and polarization. To verify its validity, the typology was applied to three political regimes of Maghreb: Tunisia (defective democracy) Morocco (quasi-competitive authoritarianism) and Algeria (hegemonic authoritarianism). Its application corroborates the validity of the typology as a possible way of characterizing party systems and allowing transnational research.

Sandberg and Aqertit analyze how, over the course of twenty-five years, dedicated, smart, and politically effective Moroccan women, working simultaneously in multiple settings and aware of each other's work, altered Morocco's entrenched gender institution of regularized practices and distinctive rights and obligations for men and women. In telling the story of these Moroccan gender activists, Sandberg and Aqertit's work is of interest to Middle East and North Africa (MENA) area specialists, to feminist and gender researchers, and to institutionalist scholars. Their work operationalizes and offers a template for studying change in national gender institutions that can be adopted by practitioners and scholars in other country settings.

How do political systems shape immigration policy-making? Explicitly or implicitly, comparative politics and migration policy theories suggest a ‘regime effect’ that links specific dynamics of immigration policy to liberal democracy. The literature’s dominant focus on so-called ‘Western liberal democracies’, however, has left the ‘regime effect’ largely untested and research on variations and similarities in immigration policymaking across political systems strikingly undertheorized. This paper challenges the theoretical usefulness of essentialist, dichotomous categories such as Western/non-Western or democratic/autocratic and calls for a more nuanced theorizing of immigration policy-making. It proposes a two-dimensional classification of immigration policy theories, distinguishing between ‘issue-specific’ theories that capture immigration policy processes regardless of the political system in place and ‘regime-specific’ theories whose insights are tied to the characteristics of a political system. The paper also advances the ‘illiberal paradox’ hypothesis to explain why illiberal, autocratic states may enact liberal immigration policies. This theoretical expansion beyond the ‘Western’ and ‘liberal’ bubble is illustrated by an analysis of immigration policy-making in 21st century Morocco and Tunisia. Showing how domestic and international institutions, interests, and ideas shape immigration policy-making in Morocco’s monarchy and Tunisia’s democratic transition, the paper investigates the broader role of political systems in immigration politics and herewith seeks to contribute to a more general and global theorization of immigration policies.

Democratization and the process of political reform is a critical issue in the contemporary Middle East and North Africa. This book looks at the situation in Morocco and examines the role of the monarchy and the relative strengths and weaknesses of the Islamic and secular/liberal groupings campaigning to shape the local politics and society.　 Politics in Morocco moves beyond the theoretical framework of the transition paradigm to give a thorough analysis of the dynamics of monarchical authoritarian rule and its implications. The author explores the formal and informal working mechanisms of authoritarian rule, the roles and functions of secular opposition forces, and the dynamics of political inclusion of Islamists in the structures of formal contestation. In doing so, he sheds fresh light on how authoritarian rule under King Mohamed VI is maintained and legitimised by a wide array of formal and informal political and social networks. This in-depth investigation of political participation in Morocco offers a new perspective on the issue of democracy and monarchical rule in the Middle East. As such, it will be of great interest to students and scholars of Middle Eastern and North African politics, democratization studies and political Islam. \"The book is wonderfully written and well researched.\" - Steve Yetiv, Old Dominion University \" As an observer of Moroccan politics, I think this is a strong book. It is a joy to read.　 It is clearly organized. The argument flows nicely. It is well documented. And it speaks to important political problems and dilemmas that go beyond the Moroccan context. I also find the general argument very compelling.\" - Abdeslam Maghraoui, Duke University. \"The chapter on Islamism is very interesting and illuminating.\" - Malika Zeghal, University of Chicago \"[A]cademic in style, appealing mainly to an audience of postgraduate students as well as academics and practitioners working on Moroccan politics... Boukhars’ analysis is comprehensive and insightful. The book is well-researched and excellently presented, and provides the readers with all the necessary tools for comprehending Moroccan politics both before and after the eruption of the Arab Spring and the political changes it brought to the country.\" - Lise Storm (2012): Understanding Moroccan Politics: Tools for Assessing the Impact of the Arab Spring, Mediterranean Politics, 17:1 Anouar Boukhars is an assistant professor of Political Science and International Studies at McDaniel College, Maryland, USA. He is also a visiting fellow at the Brookings Doha Center and consultant for Jane’s Intelligence Review . He has published in a large number of journals and has contributed to leading newspapers in the US and the Middle East. Introduction 1. The Mohamedian Years 2. The Monarchy’s Arsenal of Powers 3. Politics without Positions: Absenteeism, Party Switching and Corruption in the Moroccan Parliament 4. The Decrepitude of Secular Parties: The Case of the Socialist Union of Popular Forces 5. Islamists and Realpolitik 6. Radical Islamism: A Form of Contestation Politics. Conclusion

How does the gender composition of deliberative committees affect citizens’ evaluations of their decision-making processes? Do citizens perceive decisions made by gender-balanced, legislative bodies as more legitimate than those made by all-male bodies? Extant work on the link between women’s descriptive representation and perceptions of democratic legitimacy in advanced democracies finds the equal presence of women legitimizes decision-making. However, this relationship has not been tested in more patriarchal, less democratic settings. We employ survey experiments in Jordan, Morocco, and Tunisia to investigate how citizens respond to gender representation in committees. We find that women’s presence promotes citizens’ perceptions of the legitimacy of committee processes and outcomes and, moreover, that pro-women decisions are associated with higher levels of perceived legitimacy. Thus, this study demonstrates the robustness of findings from the West regarding gender representation and contributes to the burgeoning literature on women and politics.

Democracy-building efforts from the early 1990s on have funneled billions of dollars into nongovernmental organizations across the developing world, with the U.S. administration of George W. Bush leading the charge since 2001. But are many such \"civil society\" initiatives fatally flawed? Focusing on the Palestinian West Bank and the Arab world,Barriers to Democracymounts a powerful challenge to the core tenet of civil society initiatives: namely, that public participation in private associations necessarily yields the sort of civic engagement that, in turn, sustains effective democratic institutions. Such assertions tend to rely on evidence from states that are democratic to begin with. Here, Amaney Jamal investigates the role of civic associations in promoting democratic attitudes and behavioral patterns in contexts that are less than democratic. Jamal argues that, in state-centralized environments, associations can just as easily promote civic qualities vital to authoritarian citizenship--such as support for the regime in power. Thus, any assessment of the influence of associational life on civic life must take into account political contexts, including the relationships among associations, their leaders, and political institutions. Barriers to Democracyboth builds on and critiques the multifaceted literature that has emerged since the mid-1990s on associational life and civil society. By critically examining associational life in the West Bank during the height of the Oslo Peace Process (1993-99), and extending her findings to Morocco, Egypt, and Jordan, Jamal provides vital new insights into a timely issue.

Polls from the Middle East/North Africa show high support for democracy. However, the veracity of this support has been called into question. This study uses a conjoint analysis to show that citizens support democratic institutions, as well as favoring an effective welfare state and a state religion. The results demonstrate that support for elected governance is not contingent on the state's providing economic benefits; citizens are more likely to favor participatory government at each level of economic outcome. Interest in incorporating religion in the state, however, is contingent on the political and economic profile described; the contingent effects suggest interest in Islamic governance is, at least partly, instrumental. Although pro-democracy public opinion alone does not secure democratization, it creates fertile ground for future democratization movements.

Since the independence day in 1956, the Moroccan State has adopted a considerable number of social housing policies and urban strategies to combat unsanitary housing, particularly in Casablanca. Contrary to all these favourable social housing and urban implementations lacking an appropriate framework in Morocco, these settlements still represent a new chain of serious dilemmas constituted by social and physical problems. This article starts with an overview of the Moroccan governmental post-colonial urban and social housing policies in Casablanca. It aims to evaluate the outcomes of the governmental ‘Cities Without Slums’ program launched as a strategy of the National Initiative for Human Development upgrading in 2004. Investigating the restructuring on site, rehousing, and resettlement strategies, this article focuses on resettlement implementations by presenting a detailed analysis of the “third-party partner” organization and aims to discuss its social and physical outcomes. Today, social housing concepts as outcomes of post-colonial global penetrations in developing countries in South America and Africa might turn into a generic urban trap, delusion or disappointment for the urban poor. In this context, this study finally includes suggestions regarding the sustainable social housing concepts especially in Casablanca, Morocco by considering and reminding the spatial justice, equity, economy, transparent management, organization, housing diversity and urban identity and democracy.