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"Democratization -- Moldova"
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Pluralism by default : weak autocrats and the rise of competitive politics
\"Focusing on regime trajectories across the former Soviet Union, Pluralism by Default posits that political competition in \"new democracies\" has often been grounded less in well-designed institutions, democratic leaders, or emerging civil society and more in the failure of authoritarianism. Lucan Way contends that pluralism has persisted in many cases because autocrats lack the organization, authority, or coordination to steal elections, impose censorship, repress opposition, or keep allies in line. Attention to the dynamics of this \"pluralism by default\" reveals a largely unrecognized contradiction in the transition process: the same factors that facilitate democratic and semi-democratic political competition may also thwart the development of stable, well-functioning democratic institutions. National divisions or weak states and parties--typically seen as impediments to democracy--can also stymie efforts to crack down on political opposition and concentrate control. Way demonstrates that the features that have made Ukraine the most democratic country in the former Soviet Union also contributed to the country's extreme dysfunction and descent into war in 2014\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
Pluralism by default : weak autocrats and the rise of competitive politics
An audacious new explanation for the emergence of political pluralism in weak states.
Pluralism by Default explores sources of political contestation in the former Soviet Union and beyond. Lucan Way proposes that pluralism in \"new democracies\" is often grounded less in democratic leadership or emerging civil society and more in the failure of authoritarianism. Dynamic competition frequently emerges because autocrats lack the state capacity to steal elections, impose censorship, or repress opposition. In fact, the same institutional failures that facilitate political competition may also thwart the development of stable democracy.
eBook
The relevance and impact of the EaP in Moldova: why local perceptions matter?
This article investigates the performance of the EU in its Eastern neighbourhood. Whereas there is a developed repository of legal, institutional and power-based explanations on the performance of the EU’s policies, research dedicated to understanding how third countries take on these policies is scarce. Thus, by employing process tracing we, first, assess the EU’s involvement in Moldova over a 10-year interval (2009–2019). Second, by looking at the data drawn from a longitudinal study based on annual opinion polls conducted in the EU’s six Eastern partner countries since 2016 and on a questionnaire-based survey conducted at the national level in the Republic of Moldova in autumn 2019, we explore how EU’s performance is perceived at the societal level in Moldova. Our findings show the degree the EU, through the EaP, meets the needs of Moldova across time (relevance) and whether the EaP mitigates Moldova’s democratization challenges (impact).
Journal Article
Young People and Political Activism in Moldova
The election of a Socialist and pro-Russian candidate in December 2016 as president of Moldova marks a new turn in Moldovan politics. This is in contrast with the pro-Western attitudes of the previous government. Political instability and changing international orientations, as emphasized by this article, are partly due to political alternative victories of parties supported by different social groups. Focusing on young people’s activism, the article underlines the differentiation between the political success made possible by street protests in April 2009 and the political failure in December 2016. The findings may add a new explanation to Moldova’s permanent instability.
Journal Article
Authoritarian State Building and the Sources of Regime Competitiveness in the Fourth Wave: The Cases of Belarus, Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine
This article explores the sources of regime competitiveness in the post-cold war era through a structured comparison of regime trajectories in Belarus, Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine, for the period 1992–2004. An examination of these cases suggests the need for a fundamental rethinking of the commonly held view of the transition process—especially in countries that face relatively weak international democratizing pressures. Approaching these countries as unconsolidated autocracies rather than as simply emerging democracies draws attention to key sources of political competition that have largely been ignored in the literature on competitive regimes. Thus, competitive politics in Belarus, Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine were rooted less in robust civil societies, strong democratic institutions, or leadership than in the inability of incumbents to maintain power or concentrate political control by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents. Such ”pluralism by default” has been the outgrowth of the strength of anti-incumbent national identity and incumbent weakness as defined by a lack of know-how, ineffective incumbent organization, and/or the weakness of certain dimensions of state power.
Journal Article
Democracy and Security in the EU's Eastern Neighborhood? Assessing the ENP in Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine
This article explores the European Union's (EU) democratic and security objectives in the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) toward three post-Soviet states: Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. By discussing the ENP's objectives, this study concludes the following: first, despite long-term ENP democracy promotion, there have been very limited democratic developments in the partner states between 2005 and 2014; second, security challenges remain in partner states in the breakaway regions in Transnistria in Moldova, Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia, and Crimea, Donetsk, and Luhansk in Ukraine. Therefore, EU's Kantian view of security through democracy has failed, and its ambition to create a ring of Eastern friends has not led to improved relations in the Eastern neighborhood. On the contrary, the EU's push eastward has instead intensified insecurity in its partner states due to limited democratization.
Journal Article
Rusya’nın Moldova Siyaseti ve Ukrayna Savaşı’nın Yansımaları
Sovyetler Birliği’nin 1991 yılında dağılmasıyla bağımsız olan Moldova Cumhuriyeti, batı sınırlarında Avrupa Birliği üyesi olan Romanya; kuzey, güney ve doğu sınırlarında Ukrayna ile çevrelenmiştir. Ukrayna’ya bağlı Kırım’ın 2014 yılında Rusya tarafından ilhak edilmesinden sonra Doğu Avrupa’da yeni bir güvensizlik iklimi hâkim olmuştur. 2022 yılında ise Rusya’nın bu sefer çok yönlü bir saldırıyla Ukrayna’ya savaş açması, sınırında bulunan Moldova’nın ekonomik, siyasi ve askeri pek çok güvenlik kriziyle karşılaşmasına neden olmuştur. Moldova sınırlarına düşen füzelerin yarattığı güvenlik endişesine, ülkeye kabul edilen Ukraynalı mültecilerin Rusya tarafından hoş karşılanmayacağı düşüncesi eklenmiştir. Rusya’nın Batı ülkelerine sağladığı enerji arzını azaltması, Moldova’nın enerji krizi yaşamasına, bu durum enflasyonla birlikte ülke ekonomisinin zarar görmesine neden olmuştur. Moldova hükümetinin Ukrayna savaşının başlamasından sonra Avrupa Birliği’ne üye olmak için başvuruda bulunması ve Rusya taraftarı partilerin bu durumu protesto etmeleri ise ülkenin siyasi gidişatını ve devlet bütünlüğünü etkileyecek güce haiz görünmüştür. Çalışma, Rusya’nın Moldova siyasetini ve Ukrayna’ya açtığı savaşın Moldova üzerindeki siyasi, ekonomik ve askeri etkilerini açıklamayı amaç edinmektedir. Rusya’nın, Moldova’ya karşı sürdürdüğü baskın politikaların Ukrayna savaşıyla arttığı iddia etmektedir. Ukrayna’nın yanı sıra Moldova’ya karşı yürüttüğü hibrit saldırıda Rusya’nın jeopolitik hedeflerinin olduğu, Moldova hükümetinin batılı bir dış politika benimsemesinin engellenmeye çalışıldığı vurgulanmaktadır. Rusya’nın Moldova baskını artırmasıyla, Moldova’nın devlet bütünlüğüne ve ülkenin demokratikleşmesine engel olmaya çalıştığı çalışmanın ulaştığı neticeler arasındadır.
Journal Article
The role of media in the construction of a European identity in Moldova
Moldova is an independent country since 1991. It hesitated for a long time between the 'Russian world' and the western sphere of influence. Nevertheless the country seems to have taken for a few years a definitive pro-european orientation. This short article aims to propose a short overview of the media in Moldova. It returns on their evolution since the independence and wonders on their role in the democratization of the society and more exactly in the understanding of european stakes. The article studies the distinctive features of the moldavian media, their recent evolution as well as the main difficulties that they have to come across in order to become objective information sources able to inform correctly on the European Union and it stakes. Reprinted by permission of the \"Babes-Bolyai\" University of Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Journal Article
FRAGMENTATION, FLUIDITY AND PERSONALIZATION: REMARKS ON SHIFTS IN THE PRO-EUROPEAN PARTY SPECTRUM IN THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA AFTER 2014
The political party system in the Republic of Moldova has been characterized by instability and divisions along geopolitical lines ever since the country gained independence. Institutional volatility continues to affect especially the pro-European party spectrum and hampers efforts to consolidate the Moldovan center-right. The article argues that the recent reconfiguration among pro-Western forces illustrates how the main traits of the Moldovan party system – fragmentation, fluidity and personalization – were exacerbated by the political, economic and social instability that ensued immediately after the parliamentary elections in November 2014. With the next ballot scheduled to take place in late 2018, it will be essential for center-right parties to overcome these structural weaknesses and find a path towards consolidation.
Journal Article
Invalidating the rightfully elected mayor of Chișinău threatens the regime of oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc
This article examines the most recent political events taking place in the Republic of Moldova, as well as the crisis resulting from the invalidation of the elections for the mayor of Chișinău. The political regime in Moldova can be considered as “electoral authoritarian”, due to the degradation of the quality of democracy after 2014. The response of Western chancelleries to the invalidation of the elections for the mayor of Chișinău came as a cold shower for the political establishment in Moldova. The European Commission, the European Parliament, the State Department of the United States, and noteworthy Western chancelleries sent an unprecedented message and announced that they would freeze granted loans. Western chancelleries decided to enforce this unprecedented measure because a red line was crossed when the results of the elections were annulled. With only several months to go until the Parliamentary elections take place in Moldova, the nullification of the vote for the mayor office of the capital city fuels a political tension, which has reigned for several years in Europe’s poorest country, a nation depopulating at a rate encountered only in conflict zones. Following Erevan and Tblisi, Chișinău could be the capital where the pressure applied by public protests generates major political change.
Journal Article