Explore the vast range of titles available.

\"When King Ben invited Mal, Jay, Carlos, and me to attend Auradon Prep, he changed our lives forever. Since then, I've dreamed of giivng other VK kids the same opportunity. On VK Day, my dream came true...\"--Page 4 of cover.

This timely book, which is based on the results of the Integration of the Second Generation in Europe survey, presents the disturbing results of a recent study in Stockholm that examines the experiences of residents descended from Turkish migrants. Focusing on three different ethno-national groups-Turks, Kurds, and Syriacs-the contributors explore issues such as identity, family situation, language use, education, labor market experiences, and employment. The essays highlight the varying degrees of success each group has achieved in the process of trying to integrate into Stockholm society. The book also examines the widespread discrimination and exclusion the descendants of migrants experience. As a whole, this volume shows a troubling picture of the obstacles faced by immigrant new societies.

Fashion book filled with design sketches, style tips, notes, and photos.

Does political violence leave a lasting legacy on identities, attitudes, and behaviors? We argue that violence shapes the identities of victims and that families transmit these effects across generations. Inherited identities then impact the contemporary attitudes and behaviors of the descendants of victims. Testing these hypotheses is fraught with methodological challenges; to overcome them, we study the deportation of Crimean Tatars in 1944 and the indiscriminate way deportees died from starvation and disease. We conducted a multigenerational survey of Crimean Tatars in 2014 and find that the descendants of individuals who suffered more intensely identify more strongly with their ethnic group, support more strongly the Crimean Tatar political leadership, hold more hostile attitudes toward Russia, and participate more in politics. But we find that victimization has no lasting effect on religious radicalization. We also provide evidence that identities are passed down from the victims of the deportation to their descendants.

The Pacific region of Colombia, like many sparsely populated places in developing countries, has been imagined as empty in social terms, and yet full in terms of natural resources and biodiversity. These imaginaries have enabled the creation of frontiers of land and sea control, where the state as well as private and illegal actors have historically dispossessed Afro‐descendant and indigenous peoples. This paper contributes to the understanding of territorialisation in the oceans, where political and legal framings of the sea as an open‐access public good have neglected the existence of marine social processes. It shows how Afro‐descendant communities and non‐state actors are required to use the language of resources, rather than socio‐cultural attachment, to negotiate state marine territorialisation processes. Drawing on a case study on the Pacific coast of Colombia, we demonstrate that Afro‐descendant communities hold local aquatic epistemologies, in which knowledge and the production of space are entangled in fluid and volumetric spatio‐temporal dynamics. However, despite the social importance of aquatic environments, they were excluded from Afro‐descendants' collective territorial rights in the 1990s. Driven by their local aquatic epistemologies, coastal communities are reclaiming authority over the seascape through the creation of a marine protected area. We argue that they have transformed relations of authority at sea to ensure local access and control, using state institutional instruments to subvert and challenge the legal framing of the sea as an open access public good. As such, this marine protected area represents a place of resistance that ironically subjects coastal communities to disciplinary technologies of conservation.

For the past thirty years, the Brazilian government has recognized dozens of sites and cultural practices of Afro-descendant groups as national heritage, including the historical maroon site Quilombo dos Palmares. As this site has gained international notoriety, academic research has focused on the value of this historical landmark for commemorating Afro-Brazilian heritage. This article looks to the ambiguous effects of such commemoration on contemporary people living in the area, some of whom are being forcefully evicted from the site in connection with its heritage status. The article addresses the vulnerability experienced by these residents, as it highlights broader issues associated with multicultural and heritage-recognition policies in Brazil. Specifically, I analyze the policies protecting contemporary maroon descendants and sites to reveal why Palmares residents making claims on their land and heritage fall outside of state recognition. I argue that as these policies have become an increasingly powerful mechanism for protecting Afro-Brazilian and minority groups, they have also acquired the capacity to hurt the most vulnerable individuals within these communities. Two very different types of heritage stand to be protected at Palmares: one of the historical maroons and their contemporary kin, and another of the structurally unequal system that inadvertently replicates the oppression it intends to dismantle. In the context of massive inequality that disproportionately affects blacks, maroon descendants, indigenous, and other minority populations in Brazil, it is critical to consider how political strategies for redressing ethnoracial inequality may also end up perpetuating segregation. Ao longo dos últimos trinta anos, o governo brasileiro tem reconhecido como patrimônio cultural dezenas de espaços e práticas culturais de grupos afrodescendentes, entre estes, o espaço histórico do Quilombo dos Palmares. À medida que este local tem adquirido notoriedade histórica internacional, a pesquisa acadêmica tem priorizado a importância do local no que se refere à comemoração do patrimônio cultural afrobrasileiro. Meu trabalho analisa as consequências de tal reconhecimento patrimonial na vida de populações que residem atualmente nesta região, algumas das quais estão sendo expulsas à força do local, devido à declaratória deste como patrimônio cultural. Analiso também as vulnerabilidades experimentadas por tais populações, no contexto da problemática mais ampla das políticas multiculturais de reconhecimento do patrimônio no Brasil. Especificamente, examino as políticas de proteção aos quilombos e indivíduos quilombolas, e analiso como e por que o Estado não reconhece as reclamações de terras e patrimônio feitas pelos residentes de Palmares. Minha tese é que embora tais políticas venham sendo poderosos mecanismos de proteção aos grupos afro-brasileiros e às minorias, têm também adquirido uma capacidade desproporcional para prejudicar os indivíduos mais vulneráveis daquelas comunidades. Assim sendo, a declaração de Palmares oferece proteção a dois patrimônios muito distintos: um é dos quilombos históricos e seus descendentes contemporâneos, e outro, do sistema estruturalmente desigual que tem como consequência inesperada a replicação da mesma opressão que a própria política visava a desmantelar. Dentro do contexto de desigualdade massiva no Brasil, que prejudica desproporcionalmente as populações negras, os quilombolas, os indígenas e outras minorias, é de suma importância considerar como as políticas atuais que visam à reparação da desigualdade etnorracial também levam à perpetuação da segregação.

The study examines the historical origins of existing cross-cultural differences in beliefs and values regarding the appropriate role of women in society. We test the hypothesis that traditional agricultural practices influenced the historical gender division of labor and the evolution of gender norms. We find that, consistent with existing hypotheses, the descendants of societies that traditionally practiced plough agriculture today have less equal gender norms, measured using reported gender-role attitudes and female participation in the workplace, politics, and entrepreneurial activities. Our results hold looking across countries, across districts within countries, and across ethnicities within districts. To test for the importance of cultural persistence, we examine the children of immigrants living in Europe and the United States. We find that even among these individuals, all born and raised in the same country, those with a heritage of traditional plough use exhibit less equal beliefs about gender roles today.

The causal inference literature has provided a clear formal definition of confounding expressed in terms of counterfactual independence. The literature has not, however, come to any consensus on a formal definition of a confounder, as it has given priority to the concept of confounding over that of a confounder. We consider a number of candidate definitions arising from various more informal statements made in the literature. We consider the properties satisfied by each candidate definition, principally focusing on (i) whether under the candidate definition control for all \"confounders\" suffices to control for \"confounding\" and (ii) whether each confounder in some context helps eliminate or reduce confounding bias. Several of the candidate definitions do not have these two properties. Only one candidate definition of those considered satisfies both properties. We propose that a \"confounder\" be defined as a pre-exposure covariate C for which there exists a set of other covariates X such that effect of the exposure on the outcome is unconfounded conditional on (X, C) but such that for no proper subset of (X, C) is the effect of the exposure on the outcome unconfounded given the subset. We also provide a conditional analogue of the above definition; and we propose a variable that helps reduce bias but not eliminate bias be referred to as a \"surrogate confounder.\" These definitions are closely related to those given by Robins and Morgenstern [Comput. Math. Appl. 14 (1987) 869-916]. The implications that hold among the various candidate definitions are discussed.

Climate change is a worldwide challenge. Its consequences do encompass severe threats not only for the existence and somatic health, but also for the mental health of children and adolescents. Mental health can be impaired by three types of consequences. Direct consequences of climate change, such as natural disasters and indirect consequences, such as loss of land, flight and migration, exposure to violence, change of social, ecological, economic or cultural environment. Moreover, the increasing awareness of the existential dimension of climate change in children and adolescents can influence their well-being or challenge their mental health. Consequences of climate change for somatic health may interact with mental health or have psychological sequelae in children and adolescents. Based on the estimates by the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, we have summarized current data on these differential pathways as to how climate change affects the mental health of children worldwide through selective literature research on Pubmed. Mental health sequelae of direct and indirect consequences of climate change, increased awareness and physical health problems caused by climate change are presented. We give insights into special vulnerabilities of children and adolescents and identify high-risk groups. As the “Fridays for Future” movement has been initiated in northern Europe, we will discuss these results with a focus on children and adolescents in Europe. The results indicate that climate change is a serious threat to children and adolescent mental health. Children´s rights, mental health and climate change should not continue to be seen as separate points; instead, they need to be brought together to address this major challenge determining the future of our children and their descendants.

Spain, a country with one of the lowest fertility levels in the world, has recently received intense immigration flows that may contribute to fertility recovery. The objective of this study is to examine whether the childbearing behaviour of immigrant women and their descendants shows a pattern of convergence with that of Spanish women born in or after 1950. After merging data from the Fertility and Values Survey (2006) and the National Immigrants Survey (2007), we analyse the transition to first, second, and third birth using event history models, to identify variations in timing and incidence of birth transitions between native Spanish women and immigrant groups. First-generation migrant women have an earlier transition to motherhood than Spaniards. By contrast, their overall rates of transition to second birth--with the exception of women born in the Maghreb--are lower than those of Spaniards, while their rates of transition to third birth are again higher. When the analysis is restricted to immigrant women who arrived childless in Spain, all of them delay the transition to first birth even later than Spaniards, with the exception of those born in other EU countries. Among descendants of immigrants, a trend to convergence with natives emerges among women of Latin American origin, while those from the Maghreb remain more likely to experience a transition to a second and third birth.