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Is it possible to simultaneously belong to and be exiled from a community? In Politics of the Female Body, Ketu H. Katrak argues that it is not only possible, but common, especially for women who have been subjects of colonial empires. Through her careful analysis of postcolonial literary texts, Katrak uncovers the ways that the female body becomes a site of both oppression and resistance. She examines writers working in the English language, including Anita Desai from India, Ama Ata Aidoo from Ghana, and Merle Hodge from Trinidad, among others. The writers share colonial histories, a sense of solidarity, and resistance strategies in the on-going struggles of decolonization that center on the body. Bringing together a rich selection of primary texts, Katrak examines published novels, poems, stories, and essays, as well as activist materials, oral histories, and pamphlets-forms that push against the boundaries of what is considered strictly literary. In these varied materials, she reveals common political and feminist alliances across geographic boundaries. A unique comparative look at women's literary work and its relationship to the body in third world societies, this text will be of interest to literary scholars and to those working in the fields of postcolonial studies and women's studies.

\"This is a major new account of how modern humanitarian action was shaped by transformations in the French intellectual and political landscape between the 1960s to 1980s. Eleanor Davey reveals how radical Left third-worldism was displaced by the 'sans-frontieriste' movement as the dominant way of approaching suffering in what was then called the Third World. Third-worldism regarded these regions as the motor for international revolution, but revolutionary zeal disintegrated as a number of its regimes took on violent and dictatorial forms. Instead, the radical humanitarianism of the 'sans-frontieriste' movement pioneered by Medecins Sans Frontieres emerged as an alternative model for international aid. Covering a period of major international upheavals and domestic change in France, Davey demonstrates the importance of memories of the Second World War in political activism and humanitarian action and underlines the powerful legacies of Cold War politics for international affairs since the fall of the Iron Curtain\"-- Provided by publisher.

Is it possible to simultaneously belong to and be exiled from a community? In \"\"Politics of the Female Body,\"\" Ketu H. Katrak argues that it is not only possible, but common, especially for women who have been subjects of colonial empires. Through her careful analysis of postcolonial literary texts, Katrak uncovers the ways that the female body becomes a site of both oppression and resistance. She examines writers working in the English language, including Anita Desai from India, Ama Ata Aidoo from Ghana, and Merle Hodge from Trinidad. The writers share colonial histories, a sense of solidarity, and resistance strategies in the on-going struggles of decolonization that center on the body. Bringing together a rich selection of primary texts, Katrak examines published novels, poems, stories, and essays, as well as activist materials, oral histories, pamphlets, and street theater scripts - forms that push against the boundaries of what is considered strictly literary. In these varied materials, she reveals common political and feminist alliances across geographic boundaries. A unique comparative look at women's literary work and its relationship to the body in third world societies, this text will be of interest to literary scholars and to those working in the fields of women's studies and human rights.

Because it provided the dominant framework for \"development\" of poor, postcolonial countries, modernization theory ranks among the most important constructs of twentieth-century social science. In Mandarins of the Future: Modernization Theory in Cold War America Nils Gilman offers the first intellectual history of a movement that has had far-reaching and often unintended consequences. After a survey of the theory's origins and its role in forming America's postwar sense of global mission, Gilman offers a close analysis of the people who did the most to promote it in the United States and the academic institutions they came to dominate. He first explains how Talcott Parsons at Harvard constructed a social theory that challenged the prevailing economics-centered understanding of the modernization process, then describes the work of Edward Shils and Gabriel Almond in helping Parsonsian ideas triumph over other alternative conceptions of the development process, and finally discusses the role of Walt Rostow and his colleagues at M.I.T. in promoting modernization theory during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. By connecting modernization theory to the welfare state liberalism programs of the New Deal order, Gilman not only provides a new intellectual context for America's Third World during the Cold War, but also connects the optimism of the Great Society to the notion that American power and good intentions could stop the postcolonial world from embracing communism.

Background Understanding the perspectives of caregivers of children with developmental disorders living in low-income countries is important to inform intervention programmes. The purpose of this study was to examine the stigma experiences, explanatory models, unmet needs, preferred interventions and coping mechanisms of caregivers of children with developmental disorders in Ethiopia. Methods Participants comprised caregivers ( n  = 102) of children with developmental disorders attending two child mental health clinics in Addis Ababa. The majority (66.7 %; n  = 68) had a diagnosis of intellectual disability (ID); 34 children (33.3 %) had autism spectrum disorder (ASD) as their primary diagnosis. All caregivers were administered a structured questionnaire via a face-to-face interview, which included an adaptation of the Family Interview Schedule, closed questions about socio-demographic characteristics, explanatory models of illness, type of interventions used or desired and coping strategies, and an open ended question regarding the family’s unmet needs. Results Most caregivers reported experience of stigma: 43.1 % worried about being treated differently, 45.1 % felt ashamed about their child’s condition and 26.7 % made an effort to keep their child’s condition secret. Stigma did not depend on the type of developmental disorder, the child’s age or gender, or on the age or level of education of the caregiver (all p  > 0.05). Reported stigma was significantly higher in caregivers who had sought traditional help ( p  < 0.01), provided supernatural explanations for their child’s condition ( p  = .02) and in caregivers of Orthodox Christian faith ( p  = .03). Caregivers gave a mixture of biomedical explanations (e.g. head injury (30.4 %) or birth complications (25.5 %)) and supernatural explanations (e.g. spirit possession (40.2 %) or sinful act (27.5 %)) for their child’s condition. The biggest reported unmet need was educational provision for their child (74.5 %), followed by treatment by a health professional (47.1 %), financial support (30.4 %) and expert help to support their child’s development (27.5 %). Most caregivers reported that talking to health professionals (86.3 %) and family (85.3 %) helped them to cope. Many caregivers also used support from friends (76.5 %) and prayer (57.8 %) as coping mechanisms. Conclusions This study highlights the stigma experienced by families caring for a child with a developmental disorder. Designing interventions appropriate for low-income settings that improve awareness about developmental disorders, decrease stigma, improve access to appropriate education and strengthen caregivers’ support are needed.

Background Studies show that different socio-economic and structural factors can limit access to healthcare for women with disabilities. The aim of the current study was to review barriers in access to healthcare services for women with disabilities (WWD) internationally. Methods We conducted a systematic review of relevant qualitative articles in PubMed, Web of Science and Scopus databases from January 2009 to December 2017. The search strategy was based on two main topics: (1) access to healthcare; and (2) disability. In this review, women (older than 18) with different kinds of disabilities (physical, sensory and intellectual disabilities) were included. Studies were excluded if they were not peer-reviewed, and had a focus on men with disabilities. Results Twenty four articles met the inclusion criteria for the final review. In each study, participants noted various barriers to accessing healthcare. Findings revealed that WWD faced different sociocultural (erroneous assumptions, negative attitudes, being ignored, being judged, violence, abuse, insult, impoliteness, and low health literacy), financial (poverty, unemployment, high transportation costs) and structural (lack of insurance coverage, inaccessible equipment and transportation facilities, lack of knowledge, lack of information, lack of transparency, and communicative problems) factors which impacted their access healthcare. Conclusions Healthcare systems need to train the healthcare workforce to respect WWD, pay attention to their preferences and choices, provide non-discriminatory and respectful treatment, and address stigmatizing attitudinal towards WWD. In addition, families and communities need to participate in advocacy efforts to promote WWD’s access to health care.

Neurodevelopmental disorders (NDDs) compromise the development and attainment of full social and economic potential at individual, family, community, and country levels. Paucity of data on NDDs slows down policy and programmatic action in most developing countries despite perceived high burden. We assessed 3,964 children (with almost equal number of boys and girls distributed in 2-<6 and 6-9 year age categories) identified from five geographically diverse populations in India using cluster sampling technique (probability proportionate to population size). These were from the North-Central, i.e., Palwal (N = 998; all rural, 16.4% non-Hindu, 25.3% from scheduled caste/tribe [SC-ST] [these are considered underserved communities who are eligible for affirmative action]); North, i.e., Kangra (N = 997; 91.6% rural, 3.7% non-Hindu, 25.3% SC-ST); East, i.e., Dhenkanal (N = 981; 89.8% rural, 1.2% non-Hindu, 38.0% SC-ST); South, i.e., Hyderabad (N = 495; all urban, 25.7% non-Hindu, 27.3% SC-ST) and West, i.e., North Goa (N = 493; 68.0% rural, 11.4% non-Hindu, 18.5% SC-ST). All children were assessed for vision impairment (VI), epilepsy (Epi), neuromotor impairments including cerebral palsy (NMI-CP), hearing impairment (HI), speech and language disorders, autism spectrum disorders (ASDs), and intellectual disability (ID). Furthermore, 6-9-year-old children were also assessed for attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and learning disorders (LDs). We standardized sample characteristics as per Census of India 2011 to arrive at district level and all-sites-pooled estimates. Site-specific prevalence of any of seven NDDs in 2-<6 year olds ranged from 2.9% (95% CI 1.6-5.5) to 18.7% (95% CI 14.7-23.6), and for any of nine NDDs in the 6-9-year-old children, from 6.5% (95% CI 4.6-9.1) to 18.5% (95% CI 15.3-22.3). Two or more NDDs were present in 0.4% (95% CI 0.1-1.7) to 4.3% (95% CI 2.2-8.2) in the younger age category and 0.7% (95% CI 0.2-2.0) to 5.3% (95% CI 3.3-8.2) in the older age category. All-site-pooled estimates for NDDs were 9.2% (95% CI 7.5-11.2) and 13.6% (95% CI 11.3-16.2) in children of 2-<6 and 6-9 year age categories, respectively, without significant difference according to gender, rural/urban residence, or religion; almost one-fifth of these children had more than one NDD. The pooled estimates for prevalence increased by up to three percentage points when these were adjusted for national rates of stunting or low birth weight (LBW). HI, ID, speech and language disorders, Epi, and LDs were the common NDDs across sites. Upon risk modelling, noninstitutional delivery, history of perinatal asphyxia, neonatal illness, postnatal neurological/brain infections, stunting, LBW/prematurity, and older age category (6-9 year) were significantly associated with NDDs. The study sample was underrepresentative of stunting and LBW and had a 15.6% refusal. These factors could be contributing to underestimation of the true NDD burden in our population. The study identifies NDDs in children aged 2-9 years as a significant public health burden for India. HI was higher than and ASD prevalence comparable to the published global literature. Most risk factors of NDDs were modifiable and amenable to public health interventions.

In the current society, institutional quality is essential to innovation activity, as formal and informal institutions have a positive impact on innovation. Formal institutional quality establishes the intellectual property rights culture that lowers the transaction costs, required to stimulate the innovation process. Strengthen informal institutions inseminate mutual trust and cooperation, necessary to share the previous knowledge, which is mandatory to invent new ideas. Thus, this study aims to investigate the effect of formal and informal institutions and their indicators on innovation activities. We construct the indices to measure the quality of formal and informal institutions using data on 73 countries for the period 1981–2014. The system GMM estimation technique is used to predict the performance of formal and informal institutions on innovation activities. Besides, this study estimates the effect of each indicator of formal as well as informal institutions on innovations after controlling for FDI, human capital, trade and government size. The hypotheses of positive effects of formal and informal institutional quality is accepted. The size of the effect of different indicators of institutions are varying. The results are robust across developed and developing countries. From a policy perspective, this study suggests that more focused monitoring of institutions is required to improve their quality that ultimately effects innovation activities.

Global South experts are often missing from major fora, job searches, or conferences because of exclusionary visa policies by many Global North countries.5 Nationalism and populism were evident in the COVID-19 vaccine hoarding by some high-income countries (HICs).6 Despite having large stockpiles of mpox vaccines, HICs have shared little to help Africa deal with the ongoing mpox outbreaks.7 Lack of support for TRIPS intellectual property waivers, as well as the pushback against equity and access and benefit sharing clauses within the draft Pandemic Treaty, suggest that the priorities of HICs and the commercial interests of pharmaceutical companies remain influential.6,8 A similar nexus between political leaders and fossil fuel companies prevents adequate action on the climate crisis, which disproportionately affects Global South nations.9 Wealthy, polluting nations have shown little interest in contributing to the Fund for Responding to Loss and Damage that was intended to advance the cause of climate justice.10 Second, Global North funders, donors, and philanthropic organisations have enormous influence on all aspects of global health.11–13 They often decide who leads organisations,14 who receives funding,11 and what interventions are prioritised.13 And most Global North universities and international non-governmental organisations are unwilling to discuss the disproportionate influence of wealthy donors because they fear jeopardising their own funding.13 Third, Global North universities are often reliant on overheads that come with global health funding. [...]while diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives brought some hope for increasing diversity and inclusion within global health organisations, 4 years after the murder of George Floyd in the USA brought global attention to racism, there is growing backlash against DEI, especially in the USA, where more than 80 anti-DEI bills have been introduced since 2023.23,24 Equity efforts might be losing steam in global health academia, and experts working on DEI are at risk of stress and burnout.24,25 All these systemic barriers are interconnected and are partly tied to the neocolonial, capitalistic, hetero-patriarchal model that reinforces coloniality within Global North institutions and governments.26 It is not in the nature of power to shift power. MP serves as an adviser to non-profits, namely WHO, Stop TB Partnership, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, and the Foundation for Innovative New Diagnostics; he declares no financial or industry conflicts. Examples of how Global North institutions can demonstrate allyship Examples of how Global South institutions can demonstrate leadership Governments Policies that discourage hoarding of life-saving health products and encourage rapid sharing of data and technologies during crises8 Support for a global Pandemic Accord with strong equity and accountability clauses8 Visa policies that allow greater Global South representation in fora and meetings5 Contribute to the loss and damage fund to support Global South nations in climate change mitigation and adaptation10 Debt relief for low-income nations, especially in Africa28 Policies that promote, not oppose, DEI and anti-racism initiatives23 Invest more in health, and be less reliant on donors2 Invest in national and regional health institutions, health workforce, civil society, and research institutions34 Invest in building national and regional manufacturing capacity to make drugs, tests, vaccines, and technologies34 Improve accountability and transparency Funders and donors Directly fund Global South institutions and affected community organisations without strings attached,11,12 and offer a fair share of overheads to such organisations16 Invest in building strong institutions and infrastructure in the Global South by providing resources outside of narrow grant funding Increase investments, and reduce reliance on Global North funders34 Ensure a fair share of overheads to build research infrastructure16 Fund local partners as leaders of the process of knowledge production and use2 Ensure that reciprocity and bidirectional partnership is included in grant agreements and memoranda of understanding2 Academic institutions Reduce tuition fees for trainees from LMICs and offer scholarships1,17 Build equitable and bidirectional partnerships; ensure reciprocity and host trainees and experts from LMICs2 Change tenure and promotions criteria to acknowledge allyship and trust-building efforts2 Institute clear policies to discourage parachute research and extractive partnerships2,16 Provide more institutional support (eg, protected time) to encourage academics to take on leadership work globally Adequately support and reward work on Indigenous and Global South knowledge systems2 International organisations Commit to intentional, long-term capacity strengthening of partner institutions in the Global South with an aim of gradually shifting resources and leadership to them Undertake phased self-decentralisation by moving and spreading their current