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Despite the wide recognition of Elizabeth Lira's research career, a discussion of the contributions and debates that her work has inspired has yet to emerge. Likewise, no specialized intellectual developments exist which make it possible to reuse, develop, and circulate her work and its implications critically. In this article the author aims to contribute to this still pending discussion and explore some aspects of Elizabeth Lira’s work from the point of view of memory studies, focusing on political violence and the recent past. The author presents a historical contextualization of Lira's intellectual trajectory within the framework of the Southern Cone military dictatorships, identifying thematic axes that organize her work: the analysis of the effects of dictatorships, longterm analyses of practices and institutions, and analyses of political memory. Finally, the author outlines some dilemmas that arise from the discussion, such as the tension between memory and representation and the relation between memory and democracy.

This thesis primarily examines the forms of control and resistance within the employment relationship in contemporary Chile, a country sometimes described as the harbinger of the neoliberal model, imposed during the Pinochet Dictatorship (1973- 1989) and since maintained without substantial modifications. The fieldwork and the bulk of the research was carried out during 2018, however, in October 2019 just as this thesis was being shaped, a momentous uprising shook the political and institutional order, shifting the terrain of possibilities, a transformation that is still in the making. This thesis thus also presents a reflection on the points of connection between the findings from 2019. This thesis moves beyond the dichotomous approach that has dominated much of the research done on the topic of workers' struggles after the dictatorship in Chile, either pointing to the defeat of the unions, or to a rebirth of the union movement. This thesis argues instead that a panoply of forms of resistance exist, even in a context where capital's control has been effective in weakening the unions power to negotiate and strike effectively (via the Labour Code and Constitution) with employers who, despite an apparent use of modern managerial techniques, still exert forms of control that are deemed violent by the workers. The analysis exceeds the classic understandings of control and resistance by also including everyday forms of resistance, an approach that is illuminated by a combination of Labour Process Theory and Autonomist Marxism. The forms of control and resistance are understood as countering forces in which the forms of control aim to expand the imposition of work, while resistance expresses itself through a multitude of contestations or evasions to this imposition. The findings showed that the workers, both collectively and individually, enact forms of resistance that move in-between, and sometimes beyond, the interstices of possibilities left within a highly disciplinary context. In most cases these are not spectacular forms of resistance, but, nevertheless they are struggles against a violent system of employment relations, and which call for their dignified treatment as workers. These two elements, a demand for a dignified life against a violent institutional and social order were also the motto of the October uprising. While this thesis does not pretend to study el estallido social in-depth, the analysis of workers' resistance can contribute to understanding the recent events in Chile as part of a continuum of forms of resistance that over the years has seen little steps forwards, several defeats, and a resurgence of different movements contesting neoliberalism. This document is organised in the following manner, the first chapters are dedicated to the contributions of Labour Process Theory and Autonomist Marxism, to the study of control and resistance, and to literature relevant to the case of Chile. This is followed by a chapter on the methodological and ethical decisions taken. A second section presents a chapter with the findings from the main project - the workers' forms of resistance - and a chapter with findings derived from secondary sources about the events from 2019 onwards. Finally, an analysis chapter discusses the findings of the main research and the connections with the 2019 uprising, with the implications for the literature discussed in the concluding chapter.

Through the analysis of primary sources, it becomes evident how, during the self-proclaimed \"Process of National Reorganization,\" sports practices were presented as a way to educate the youth population. In this process, high-performance athletes, physical education practices, and young bodies were appropriated by the discourse of the civic-military de facto government as a resource that metaphorically expressed the fundamental axes of the construction of the national narrative they sought to establish. La Subsecretaría Deportes se mantuvo dentro del Ministerio de Bienestar Social (1976-1981) y Ministerio de Acción Social (1981-1983) durante el auto denominado Proceso de Reorganización Nacional. Adentrarse en los sentidos y líneas de acción que se promovieron para las prácticas deportivas desde la Secretaría de Deportes y Turismo de Ministerio de Bienestar Social de la Nación durante el auto denominado \"Proceso de Reorganización Nacional\" nos lleva a tener considerar de modo simultaneo diferentes esferas de intervención.

This paper reproduces and contextualizes two unpublished lectures by the South African economist W.H. Hutt from 1939 and 1940 in which Hutt analyzes the economic policy of Nazi Germany. Hutt argued that the Nazis’ early success in the war was attributable to their policy of eliminating anti-competitive restrictions on production by labor unions and capitalists. He believed that this provided a model for the Allies to emulate. This analysis of Nazi economic policy was far too generous to the Nazis in its depiction of Hitler as an advocate for ordinary workers and an enemy of monopoly capital. It also broke from the assessments of Hutt’s fellow neoliberal economists—the German Ordoliberals and Austrian economists, such as Friedrich Hayek and Ludwig von Mises—who were more inclined to classify the Nazis as socialists and collectivists. Hutt’s analysis of Nazi economic policy in 1939 and 1940 contributes to and complicates our understanding of neoliberal economists’ recurring fascination with the possibility of a ‘liberal dictator.’

Participants in dictator games frequently avoid learning whether their choice to maximize their own earnings will help or hurt the recipient and then choose selfishly, exploiting the “moral wiggle room” provided by their ignorance. However, this is found in an environment in which the dictator must actively learn the true payoffs, so inaction means ignorance. Does this effect persist when one must actively choose either to be ignorant or to be informed or when one must actively choose to remain ignorant? In fact, whereas 45% of dictators remain ignorant when one must click to become informed, this drops to 25% when one must click in either case and to 3% when one must click to remain ignorant. Although the exploitation of moral wiggle room is not merely an artifact, it is, much like social behavior itself, subject to environmental and psychological factors that may reinforce or undermine its impact. Data, as supplemental material, are available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1287/mnsc.2014.1989 . This paper was accepted by Uri Gneezy, behavioral economics .

This article focuses the debate about the influence of \"Jogo do Bicho\" on the 1966 Rio de Janeiro football Championship, which ended with the conquest of Bangu, throughout Grande Revista Esportiva Facit, on TV Globo. During the program, the discussion about the association between the misdemeanor, sectors of the Military Dictatorship (1964 - 1985) and football club managers came to light through sports commentary. The work aims to emphasize the social relevance of the practice, which integrates the specialized coverage in broadcasting vehicles, and understand the connection between sport and politics in this period. De acordo com o autor, embora o aumento no gosto pelas apostas nos hipódromos fosse algo mais observável no ámbito das elites, nāo se pode negar que o costume influenciou muito a popularização da modalidade como um todo (2001, p. 164).

At a gathering intended to let U.S. lawmakers gather to pray for the country together on Feb. 5, President Donald Trump took several partisan digs at Democrats, including questioning “how a person of faith can vote for a Democrat.”

Over the last 25 years, more than a hundred dictator game experiments have been published. This meta study summarises the evidence. Exploiting the fact that most experiments had to fix parameters they did not intend to test, in multiple regression the meta study is able to assess the effect of single manipulations, controlling for a host of alternative explanatory factors. The resulting rich dataset also provides a testbed for comparing alternative specifications of the statistical model for analysing dictator game data. It shows how Tobit models (assuming that dictators would even want to take money) and hurdle models (assuming that the decision to give a positive amount is separate from the choice of amount, conditional on giving) provide additional insights.

A norm of 50-50 division appears to have considerable force in a wide range of economic environments, both in the real world and in the laboratory. Even in settings where one party unilaterally determines the allocation of a prize (the dictator game), many subjects voluntarily cede exactly half to another individual. The hypothesis that people care about fairness does not by itself account for key experimental patterns. We consider an alternative explanation, which adds the hypothesis that people like to be perceived as fair. The properties of equilibria for the resulting signaling game correspond closely to laboratory observations. The theory has additional testable implications, the validity of which we confirm through new experiments.