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"Dictators History 20th century."
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Identification success rates in the post-Spanish Civil War mass graves located in the cemetery of Paterna, Spain: Meta-research on 15 mass graves with 933 subjects
Spain suffered a Civil War between 1936 and 1939 that ended with the victory of the National Forces led by General Franco. Once the Spanish Civil War ended, 2238 subjects were executed and buried in several mass graves in the Cemetery of Paterna, one of Spain's largest mass grave sites. Efforts to locate and identify all the victims of the mass graves of the Paterna cemetery are ongoing, but the actual data of the percentage of DNA identifications remains uncertain. Following this, we conducted a meta-research study including 15 mass graves and 933 subjects to determine the DNA identification rates in the mass graves of the Paterna cemetery. We found that the total proportion of identified subjects in the mass graves was 15.9 % (95 % CI: 10.0–22.9). Moreover, we found that the model between the identification success rate (ISR) and the number of relatives that donated DNA (NRTDD) in the mass graves of the cemetery of Paterna was ISR = NRTDD−0.424. Results obtained about the proportion of identified subjects and the model between the ISR and the NRTDD imply the need for a scientific reflection between all the research groups involved in the identification tasks to modify deficiencies and update identification protocols to obtain better future results.
•More than 2200 subjects lay in mass graves in the Cemetery of Paterna.•Fifteen mass graves with 933 subjects were analyzed.•The proportion of identified subjects was 15.9 % (95 % CI: 10.0–22.9).•The model between the ISR and the NRTDD was: ISR = NRTDD-0.424.
Journal Article
From Benito Mussolini to Hugo Chavez : intellectuals and a century of political hero worship
During the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, political dictators were not only popular in their own countries, but were also admired by numerous highly educated and idealistic Western intellectuals. The objects of this political hero-worship included Benito Mussolini, Adolph Hitler, Joseph Stalin, Mao Zedong, Fidel Castro and more recently Hugo Chavez, among others. This book seeks to understand the sources of these misjudgements and misperceptions, the specific appeals of particular dictators, and the part played by their charisma, or pseudo-charisma. It sheds new light not only on the political disposition of numerous Western intellectuals - such as Martin Heidegger, Eric Hobsbawm, Norman Mailer, Ezra Pound, Susan Sontag and George Bernard Shaw - but also on the personality of those political leaders who encouraged, and in some instances helped to design, the cult surrounding their rise to dictatorship.
Book
The Crisis of Democracy in Interwar Britain
This article reconstructs and examines the idea that democracy (in various senses) was fragile or, as some had it, in ‘crisis’ in interwar Britain. Recent scholarship on interwar political culture has generally emphasized its democratic or ‘democratizing’ character, in line with a conventional historical view of Britain as an exception to the instability and contestation of democracy in Europe. It is argued here that Britain's embroilment in a European ‘crisis’ of democracy was a commonplace of contemporary political thought, commentary, and argument; and that anxieties surrounding this prompted some of the initiatives that are conventionally seen as evidence of ‘democratization’. A properly historical understanding of those initiatives, and of interwar political culture in general, therefore appears to require that contemporary ideas of the weakness or ‘crisis’ of democracy in Britain are taken seriously (but not necessarily endorsed). In conclusion, the article suggests that interwar discussions of democracy gave rise to a tendency to equate democracy with a form of negative liberty, which registered and facilitated influential developments in politics and political thought beyond the interwar period; and that historical understanding of democracy in modern Britain might be enriched through an engagement with the political theorist Sheldon Wolin's concept of ‘fugitive democracy’.
Journal Article
The United States and the rise of tyrants : diplomatic relations with nationalist dictatorships between the World Wars
\"Nationalist dictatorships proliferated around the world during the 1920s and 1930s. American policymakers were primarily concerned with fostering stability in these countries. The dictatorships looked to American corporations and bankers, whose investments cemented the need to support the regimes. Through an examination of records in nine countries, the author describes the logistics and consequences of these relationships\"--Provided by publisher.
Book
Mackenzie King in the age of the dictators : Canada's imperial and foreign policies
\"Until the outbreak of hostilities in 1939, Mackenzie King prided himself on never publicly saying anything derogatory about Hitler or Mussolini, unequivocally supporting the appeasement policies of British prime minister Neville Chamberlain and regarding Hitler as a benign fellow mystic. In Mackenzie King in the Age of the Dictators, Roy MacLaren leads readers through the political labyrinth that led to Canada's involvement in the Second World War and its awakening as a forceful nation on the world stage. Prime Minister King's fascination with foreign affairs extended from helping President Theodore Roosevelt exclude \"little yellow men\" from North America in 1908 to his conviction that appeasement of Hitler and Mussolini should be the cornerstone of Canada's foreign and imperial policies in the 1930s. If war could be avoided, King thought, national unity could be preserved. MacLaren draws extensively from King's diaries and letters and contemporary sources from Britain, the United States, and Canada to describe how King strove to reconcile French Canadian isolationism with English Canadians' commitment to the British Commonwealth. King, MacLaren explains, was convinced by the controversies of the First World War that another such conflagration would be disruptive to Canada. When King finally had to recognize that the Liberals' electoral fortunes depended on English Canada having greater voting power than French Canada, he did not reflect on whether a higher morality and intellectual integrity should transcend his anxieties about national unity. A focused view of an important period in Canadian history, replete with insightful stories, vignettes, and anecdotes, Mackenzie King in the Age of the Dictators shows Canada flexing its foreign policy under King's cautious eye and ultimately ineffective guiding hand.\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
The Antimilitarist Campaign against Compulsory Military Service in Spain during the 1970s and 1980s
The present article focuses on the political and social influence of the antimilitarist movement in Spain during the 1970s and 1980s. The article shows how throughout the 1970s the issue of conscientious objection became part of a wider context of struggle for the individual and collective rights and freedoms the Francoist dictatorship denied the Spanish population, achieving an important political impact by concentrating its action on Spain's external image. Throughout the following decade, the antimilitarist movement grew within a context of large-scale mobilisations and public debate around pacifism and antimilitarism, on the occasion of the referendum on Spain's permanence in NATO. The most important campaign was that of resistance both to military service and the alternative social service, the so-called insumisión.
Journal Article