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"Discours politique."
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Protestant Textuality and the Tamil Modern
Throughout history, speech and storytelling have united communities and mobilized movements. Protestant Textuality and the Tamil Modern examines this phenomenon in Tamil-speaking South India over the last three centuries, charting the development of political oratory and its influence on society. Supplementing his narrative with thorough archival work, Bernard Bate begins with Protestant missionaries' introduction of the sermonic genre and takes the reader through its local vernacularization. What originally began as a format of religious speech became an essential political infrastructure used to galvanize support for new social imaginaries, from Indian independence to Tamil nationalism. Completed by a team of Bate's colleagues, this ethnography marries linguistic anthropology to performance studies and political history, illuminating new geographies of belonging in the modern era.
eBook
An unfinished love story : a personal history of the 1960s
The Pulitzer Prize-winning historian reflects on her 42-year marriage with Dick Goodwin, one of the shining stars of John F. Kennedy's New Frontier and the journey of going through the letters, diaries, documents and memorabilia he saved over the years.
Book
FDR's body politics : the rhetoric of disability
Franklin Roosevelt instinctively understood that a politician of his era who was unable to control his own body would be perceived as unable to control the body politic. He therefore took great care to hide his polioinduced lameness both visually and verbally. In FDR's Body Politics, Houck and Kiewe analyze the silences surrounding Roosevelt's disability, the words he chose to portray himself and his policies as powerful and healthgiving, and the methods he used to maximize the appearance of physical strength.
eBook
Oligarchy in America
\"To an American, oligarchy is something that happens somewhere else. In Oligarchy in America, Luke Winslow reveals oligarchy's deep intellectual roots and alarming growth in America. The book provides conceptual tools the lack of which have prevented Americans from recognizing oligarchy at home. Winslow argues that generic labels like \"billionaires\" for a class of ultra-rich masks the pervasive structures that entrench their power. He introduces instead the concept of democratic oligarchy-an institutional arrangement in which the ultra-rich form a class consciously creating and leveraging state power to accumulate wealth. Like a master class in political ideas, Winslow traces the intellectual lineage of oligarchy in the US. His lively and compulsively readable survey examines key rhetorical sources such as Herbert Spencer, Andrew Carnegie, Friedrich Hayek, Lewis Powell, Milton Friedman, Charles Koch, Donald Trump, Tucker Carlson, and others. Oligarchy in America maps the connective web of oligarchic ideas uniting these disparate figures. By offering a lucid framework through which to view oligarchic ideas ambient in American culture, Winslow makes a vital contribution to readers and scholars of communication and rhetorical studies, public address, economics, and political science.\"
eBook
The moral rhetoric of American presidents
Although sometimes decried by pundits, George W. Bush’s use of moral and religious rhetoric is far from unique in the American presidency. Throughout history and across party boundaries, presidents have used such appeals, with varying degrees of political success. The Moral Rhetoric of American Presidents astutely analyzes the president’s role as the nation’s moral spokesman.
Armed with quantitative methods from political science and the qualitative case study approach prevalent in rhetorical studies, Colleen J. Shogan demonstrates that moral and religious rhetoric is not simply a reflection of individual character or an expression of American “civil religion” but a strategic tool presidents can use to enhance their constitutional authority.
To determine how the use of moral rhetoric has changed over time, Shogan employs content analysis of the inaugural and annual addresses of all the presidents from George Washington through George W. Bush. This quantitative evidence shows that while presidents of both parties have used moral and religious arguments, the frequency has fluctuated considerably and the language has become increasingly detached from relevant policy arguments.
Shogan explores the political effects of the rhetorical choices presidents make through nine historical cases (Presidents Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Buchanan, Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, and Carter). She shows that presidents who adapt their rhetoric to the political conditions at hand enhance their constitutional authority, while presidents who ignore political constraints suffer adverse political consequences. The case studies allow Shogan to highlight the specific political circumstances that encourage or discourage the use of moral rhetoric.
Shogan concludes with an analysis of several dilemmas of governance instigated by George W. Bush’s persistent devotion to moral and religious argumentation.
eBook
Mais Monsieur le Président...laLquestion comme acte de réfutation dans les interviews du 14 juillet
For more than 40 years, the presidents of the V French Republic have lent themselves to a televised interview on July 14. A highly formal interaction situation, with rigid functional-discursive roles and with the matters of greatest interest to the State and Government on the agenda. We could expect from them a satisfactory fulfillment of conversational cooperation and the mitigation of threats to the image of the interviewee. However, in two interviews analyzed with Jacques Chirac and François Hollande, we find episodes of counter-argument, more typical of the debate than of the interview. The purpose of this work is to describe this practice of discursive pressure from the tools of Discourse Analysis and Conversation Analysis.
Pendant plus de 40 ans, les présidents de la Ve République Française ont accordé une interview télévisée à l’occasion du 14 Juillet. Cette situation d’interaction est caractérisée par des rôles fonctionnel-discursifs rigides et par un agenda qui porte sur les plus gros sujets d’État et de gouvernement. En raison de sa grande formalité, on pourrait s’attendre à l’accomplissement des maximes de coopération conversationnelle et à l’atténuation des menaces potentielles pour l’image de l’interviewé. Cependant, nous avons repéré dans les dernières réalisées à Jacques Chirac et à François Hollande des comportements discursifs plus proches du débat que de l’interview. Cet article vise à les décrire à l’aide des outils de l’Analyse du Discours et de la Conversation.
Durante más de 40 años, los presidentes de la V República Francesa se han prestado a una entrevista televisada por el 14 de Julio. Una situación de interacción altamente formal, con roles funcional-discursivos rígidos y con los asuntos de mayor interés de Estado y de Gobierno en la agenda. Podríamos esperar de ellas un cumplimiento satisfactorio de la cooperación conversacional y la atenuación de las amenazas a la imagen del entrevistado. Sin embargo, en dos entrevistas analizadas a Jacques Chirac y a François Hollande encontramos episodios de contraargumentación, más propios del debate que de la entrevista. El objeto de este trabajo es describir esta práctica de presión discursiva desde las herramientas del Análisis del Discurso y de la Conversación.
Journal Article
Revolutionary Defencism as a cul-de-sac? Socialist Parties and the Question of War and Peace in the Russian Revolution of 1917/18
Based on a wide array of sources–archival repositories, recollections, and autobiographies, as well as newspapers, journals, and the minutes of both Soviet and party congresses—the article shows to what extent the question of war and peace separated the socialist camp in at least two warring factions, i.e. the moderate socialists on the one hand and the radical left internationalists on the other. The paper argues that the question of war and peace was the pivot of all politics in 1917. At the same time, this conflict constituted a bone of contention when the radical factions of the Social-Democratic Internationalists and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries (Internationalists) split off their old parties in autumn of 1917. The paper discusses the four options to solve the question of war and peace: defencism, revolutionary war, “not war but uprising” and, finally, a separate peace. It further focusses on the Soviet Public Opinion about the separate peace treaty signed at Brest-Litovsk on 3 March 1918.
Journal Article