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With the spread of neoliberal projects, responsibility for the welfare of minority and poor citizens has shifted from states to local communities. Businesses, municipalities, grassroots activists, and state functionaries share in projects meant to help vulnerable populations become self-supportive. Ironically, such projects produce odd discursive blends of justice, solidarity, and wellbeing, and place the languages of feminist and minority rights side by side with the language of apolitical consumerism. Using theoretical concepts of economic citizenship and emotional capitalism,Economic Citizenship exposes the paradoxes that are deep within neoliberal interpretations of citizenship and analyzes the unexpected consequences of applying globally circulating notions to concrete local contexts.

Abstract This article examines gender separation at Jewish holy sites in the State of Israel. From a rare and sporadic phenomenon just a few decades ago, gender serparation at sacred sites has become normative. Segregation is in part directed ‘from above’ by the State of Israel's various religious arms, which fund, organize, and oversee the practice. But it also arises ‘from below’ as a result of the activity of individuals and Haredi groups—both Ashkenazi and Mizrahi—leading to the imposition of increasingly stringent modesty demands on Jewish Israeli women. Gender separation is presented as a religious obligation, and state authorities accept this extreme interpretation as if it represented a monolithic, unchanging religious position.

Filling a void in feminist studies of women and war, Women in Zones of Conflict challenges the traditional view, which suggests a natural connection between women and pacifism, based on the feminine qualities of caring, cooperation, and empathy. Feminist studies of nationalism also envision women as either victimized by patriarchy within nationalist movements or as adopting masculine qualities to conform to the culture of their male compatriots. Jacoby takes an alternative approach, considering how women are situated across the political spectrum. She argues that when categories other than gender - such as class, ethnicity, religion, and political perspective - are considered, there is no single perspective on what it means to be a woman in conflict.

Recruiting the cumulative advantage mechanism, this study explores how earnings inequality between dominant and minority groups in the same society unfolds over the life course. Jews and Palestinian Israeli Arabs in Israel’s economy provide the context for this study. We find that the earnings gap between the groups has widened over time, particularly among men. This trend is hardly mediated by education, since returns to education have increased at similar rates for both. This finding leaves discrimination a plausible explanation, as the net group membership effect is positive and growing in strength with time. Among women, by contrast, the entire earnings gap is explained by self-selection out of employment, particularly among the less-educated. The consequences of these findings for changes in earnings inequality between dominant and minority groups in divided societies are discussed.

This study examines the mechanisms that create a paradox of marginality among middle-class Arab-Bedouin professional women in Israel by applying an intersectional analysis of their everyday professional life. It shows that the paradox of their marginality – despite their possessing high educational capital in their society, comparable to that of highly educated professional Jewish (men and women) and Arab-Bedouin male colleagues – is reproduced through the differential validation of embodied cultural capital based on women’s cultural roles solely as a symbol of their professional inferiority. The study indicates that when their professional capital intersects with other power axes within the public sphere – for example, ethnicity/racism, gender, religious norms and tribalism – it is not accorded recognition or legitimacy by male Arab-Bedouin professionals or by Jewish professionals, colleagues and clients, thus giving rise to representational intersectionality.

This article focuses on the multiple layers of structural discrimination that Palestinian women face in finding employment in occupied East Jerusalem. Faced with limited opportunities in a stagnant economy, isolated from the rest of the Palestinian periphery, and not fully integrated into Israeli society, they are often more educated than their male peers, but family considerations and gender norms shape their educational and professional decision-making processes, trapping them in \"feminized\" professions such as teaching. As a result, Palestinian women in East Jerusalem have some of the lowest levels of labor participation, regionally and globally.

Triger talks about the self-defeating nature of modesty based on gender segregation. This part of their roundtable argues that gender segregation in Israel is a form of sexual harassment under Israeli Law, as well as a self-defeating policy from the perspective of Orthodox religious principles. Analyzing the case of gender segregation in public transportation in certain cities in Israel, he shall demonstrate that gender-segregated seating arrangements in Israeli buses constitute an intimidating or humiliating reference directed towards women's sex or their sexuality. Therefore, such segregation constitutes prohibited sexual harassment pursuant to Section 3(5)(a) of the Prevention of Sexual Harassment Law, 5758-1998. He also argue that the current wave of Jewish religious fundamentalism, with its relatively new demands concerning women's modesty, is self-defeating. While its motivation is to clean the public sphere from any manifestation, real or perceived, of female sexuality, by being so preoccupied with women's modesty it in fact puts their sexuality at the center of attention.

Leveraging the discourse of the Arab-Israeli conflict, Ibtisam Ma'arana uses the vehicle of the beauty pageant to consider the pressures on Arab and Druze women in Israeli society. In her documentary Lady Kul El-Arab (2008) she follows Druze Duah Fares as she participates in a small regional Arab contest and then competes in the national Miss Israel event. While the coverage of beauty competitions and the conventions of films and television programs about them have long considered the tension between female self-empowerment and exploitation, this film disrupts the usual narrative, instead drawing greater attention to nationalism and the identity politics which pageants signify. When Fares is forbidden to participate, Mara'ana shows how patriarchal structures employ modes of control and oppression, including threats of ostracization, violence and murder (under the guise of honor killings) to enforce women's submission. As a public and political figure, who has used her own positionality as a Palestinian woman and Israeli citizen to criticize both Israeli authorities and the treatment of women in Arab society, Mara'ana is implicated in the film. This connection is further cemented when she becomes the family's spokesperson three years after the release of the documentary when Fare's sister Jamila (known as Maya) is killed. This article explores the overlapping conflicts that emerge when a woman from a conservative society participates in a pageant and the particular situation of a Druze woman in Israel as depicted in Mara'ana's documentary.

Abstract This article deals with Israel's cultural policy and public funding for the arts—a nascent, under-developed research field in Israeli scholarship. The article focuses on the plastic arts and film, presenting data about the system of budget allocation and the structure of relevant Ministry of Culture and Sports decision-making committees. The discussion takes a gender perspective, focusing on obstacles women artists face in accessibility to public budgets for the arts. These challenges, we argue, are compounded when considering additional and overlapping identity categories. We apply intersectional analysis—a perspective that considers positionality and social background, including gender, class, race, nationality, and religion—and conclude with suggestions for improving public policy for the arts.

Far from integration into the Israeli incorporation regime, Palestinians inside the state are today placed in a paradoxical situation where, as Arab citizens of a Jewish state, they are both inside and outside, host and guest, citizen and stateless. Through the paradigm of stateless citizenship, Shourideh C. Molavi examines the dynamics of exclusion of Palestinian citizens and analytically frames the mechanisms through which their statelessness is maintained. With this she centres our analytical gaze on the paradox that it is through the actual provision of Israeli citizenship that Palestinians are deemed stateless. Molavi critically engages with the liberal variant of Zionist thought, and deconstructs discourse around minority rights and liberal citizenship in the context of Israel's racialized ideological and political makeup.