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Allocating fish quota is a hotly disputed issue across the world, and many different criteria have been employed to achieve it. However, little attention has been devoted to examining the fairness of those criteria. This study aims to fill this gap by focusing on the eight most prominent criteria that have been used or proposed—prior use; market forces; historical entitlement; geographical proximity; sovereign right; economic dependence; environmental stewardship; and equal shares—and examining their respective ethical credentials as principles of distributive justice. The assumption lying behind this aim is that if agreement can be reached on which criteria are the fairest, future conflicts over quota allocations might be averted. The method used to conduct this research was normative analysis, and the materials analysed were obtained from databases such as the Web of Science. However, the study found that the ethically strongest criteria are environmental stewardship and economic dependence, but the most prevalent criteria are historical entitlement and geographical proximity (zonal attachment). So, the principles of distributive justice that are most likely to be applied are not the fairest principles but the principles with the greatest political support. For some commentators, this signifies that justice and ethics have been sacrificed to power and politics. However, there is some evidence that the tide is turning and the arguments in favour of fairness, perhaps in hybrid forms, are beginning to gain momentum.

What explains and justifies factor shares, that is, the returns that workers and capital owners receive on their contribution to economic production? Arguably, neither economic theory nor theories of distributive justice give a satisfactory answer to this question. One important explanation of this shortcoming, this paper argues, lies in the fact that they fail to take the full measure of the phenomenon of increasing returns from specialisation or, as economist often call it, of total factor productivity. This paper aims to fill this gap by asking what follows for distributive justice from taking this phenomenon seriously. The paper proceeds in four steps. First, it demonstrates in detail how a sophisticated division of labour creates a cooperative surplus. Second, it puts forward a counterfactual experiment to measure this surplus. Third and crucially, the paper argues that justice requires an equal division of this surplus and that this idea turns out to be a surprisingly ecumenical one. The final section defends the equal surplus proposal against two objections, namely the suggestion that an equal distribution of the cooperative surplus is either politically unfeasible or economically inefficient.

This narrative ethics exploration stems from my happy prostate-specific antigen (PSA) story, though it should not have been, as I annually refuse my family physician’s recommendation to purchase PSA screening. The reason for my refusal is I teach ethics to medical students and of course must walk the talk, and PSA screening is not publicly funded in the province of Ontario, Canada. In addition, I might have taken false comfort in ‘but all you need is a good index finger’ to detect prostate cancer, expounded by a senior physician at a national medical conference in 2010, and applauded by the large audience of physicians. I was compelled to begin this exploration out of survivor guilt, although I will not be a survivor for long, and as a mea culpa to the men similarly situated to me in having late diagnosis of prostate cancer, aggressive tumours and multiple metastases, but who unlike me are dead because they did not experience the physician–educator-based exceptionisms and coincidences that permit me to still be alive. Although my PSA story will always be a happy story, even when my life ends in a few years, the initiation of public funding of PSA screening for all men over 50 would make my PSA story an even happier story.

British Columbia’s Community Benefits Agreement that aims to provide jobs in the construction trades for underrepresented groups serves as a case to explore the successes and barriers to distributing the benefits of urban development to Indigenous groups towards the goal of economic justice. Through a content analysis of stakeholder interviews and documents about the agreement, we found that, while there is optimism that the CBA may help advance public discourse on economic justice for Indigenous Peoples, there are significant barriers that have gone unaddressed in this and other labor agreements due to a lack of community engagement. These include lack of transportation, continued marginalization of Indigenous workers into unskilled labor, and the reinforcement of dependence on non-Indigenous economies.

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to integrate Greenberg's perspective on the connection between injustice and stress in order to clarify the role of organisational justice, burnout and organisational commitment in the understanding of absenteeism.Design methodology approach - The study was carried out among 457 workers of a large healthcare establishment in the Canadian public healthcare sector. The model was tested using structural equation methods.Findings - The results reveal that procedural and interactional justices have an indirect effect on exhaustion through distributive injustice. Moreover, it was found that distributive injustice is indirectly linked to short-term absences through exhaustion. By contrast, the relationship between distributive injustice and long-term absence can be explained by two mediating variables, namely, exhaustion and psychosomatic complaints.Research limitations implications - In spite of the non-longitudinal nature of this study, the results suggest that the stress model and the medical model best explain the relationship between organisational injustice and absenteeism, while the withdrawal model via organisational commitment is not associated in this study with absenteeism.Practical implications - Healthcare managers should consider the possibility of better involving employees in the decision-making process in order to increase their perception of procedural and interactional justice, and indirectly reduce exhaustion and absenteeism through a greater perception of distributive justice.Social implications - For the healthcare sector, the need to reduce absenteeism is particularly urgent because of budget restrictions and the shortage of labour around the world.Originality value - This is one of the first studies to provide a complete model that analyses the stress process in terms of how organisational justice affects short- and long-term absences, in a bid to understand the specific process and factors that lead to shorter and longer episodes of absence.

Codes of ethics for national and international social work emphasize the importance of social justice. Both the brevity with which social justice is described in these codes and, in general, the contested and pluralistic conceptualization of social justice, have led to a mishmash of concepts, theories, and approaches. To counter this ambiguity, the current study proposes an illustrative framework built on a basic continuum that locates social justice between oppositional notions of social oppression and social equality. This framework may help academics, students, and practitioners to locate their own personal understanding of social justice. It also may foster open dialogue about a system of social justice that is more comprehensive and generous than the current one. To illustrate the model’s use, an example of child-care policy in Canada is included.

This article uses some of the conceptual infrastructure associated with J.K. Galbraith's \"countervailing power\" argument to explore the deep history of U.S. income inequality. Two explanatory variables-institutional power and distributive conflict-have played an integral role in the shifting patterns of U.S. income inequality since the late nineteenth century. The \"commodified\" power of large firms, manifested in aggregate concentration and the markup, exacerbates inequality while the \"countervailing\" power of organized labor, manifested in union density and strike activity, mitigates inequality. One implication of this research is that U.S. income inequality is unlikely to diminish unless the labor movement (or a comparable social movement) is strengthened.

Existing accounts of health justice operate one or more steps removed from the practical difficulties inherent to providing healthcare services across a territory as vast and diverse as Canada’s. This is, in part, because the philosophical examination of health justice has largely failed to appreciate an important level of decision-making between the macro level of healthcare delivery, responsible for funding, priority setting and system design, and the micro level, responsible for clinical, bed-side care. The meso level, situated between the two, is where scarce healthcare resources are allocated according to the priorities set by the macro level, to be utilized for patient care by micro level. Allocative decisions made at the meso level are, in large part, responsible for inequities of the sort that motivate this dissertation and, as such, require normative guidance, if justice is to obtain.This dissertation begins with and argument for, and defense of, a meaningful distinction between the ‘big’ and ‘smaller’ problems in the just allocation of scarce healthcare resources. A gap exists between what a publicly-funded healthcare system owes the population (e.g., as a result of legislation, or as a matter of justice) and what the healthcare system can deliver once constraints (e.g. human, financial) are considered. This is the ‘big’ problem. How a healthcare system goes about allocating scarce healthcare resources in light of that gap is a distinct, ‘smaller’ problem, that disproportionately affects rural communities.The ‘smaller’ problem is then situated at the meso level of healthcare delivery, a level that has, to date, been largely ignored by philosophers, or conflated with other levels. I proceed to show that adequate normative guidance does not yet exist for the just allocation of scarce healthcare resources by meso level actors.Finally, consideration is given to how this lack of normative guidance might be addressed. I argue that arriving at suitable normative guidance will not be achieved by simply working out details based on principles and methods contained in existing theories or approaches to health justice. The dissertation concludes with an examination of fairness contractualism as a possible means of generating normative guidance.