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From 1918'sTickless TimethroughWaiting for Lefty,Death of a Salesman,A Streetcar Named Desire,A Raisin in the Sun, andThe Prisoner of Second Avenueto 2005'sThe Clean House, domestic labor has figured largely on American stages. No dramatic genre has done more than the one often dismissively dubbed \"kitchen sink realism\" to both support and contest the idea that the home is naturally women's sphere. But there is more to the genre than even its supporters suggest.In analyzing kitchen sink realisms, Dorothy Chansky reveals the ways that food preparation, domestic labor, dining, serving, entertaining, and cleanup saturate the lives of dramatic characters and situations even when they do not take center stage. Offering resistant readings that rely on close attention to the particular cultural and semiotic environments in which plays and their audiences operated, she sheds compelling light on the changing debates about women's roles and the importance of their household labor across lines of class and race in the twentieth century.The story begins just after World War I, as more households were electrified and fewer middle-class housewives could afford to hire maids. In the 1920s, popular mainstream plays staged the plight of women seeking escape from the daily grind; African American playwrights, meanwhile, argued that housework was the least of women's worries. Plays of the 1930s recognized housework as work to a greater degree than ever before, while during the war years domestic labor was predictably recruited to the war effort-sometimes with gender-bending results. In the famously quiescent and anxious 1950s, critiques of domestic normalcy became common, and African American maids gained a complexity previously reserved for white leading ladies. These critiques proliferated with the re-emergence of feminism as a political movement from the 1960s on. After the turn of the century, the problems and comforts of domestic labor in black and white took center stage. In highlighting these shifts, Chansky brings the real home.

The politics of our post-Covid times are expressed through various registers. In Kolkata, one especially powerful artistic medium for such expressions was the revival of street theatre as young and senior theatre practitioners plunged into exploring critical issues that have been all-pervasive since the beginning of the pandemic. As people finally started to venture out, content to be amidst human congregations, street plays, being located in open-air spaces, proved both economical and safe. The issues these street performances highlighted and their modes of presentations could be described as what Tony Fisher calls ‘activist theatre’ – which mobilizes the people by interpellating its audience around a specific grievance or issue that possesses an emotional appeal.1 These performances are a form of artistic activism, or ‘artivism’ as termed by Chantal Mouffe: the use of aesthetic means for political activism, ‘as a counter-hegemonic move against the capitalist appropriation of aesthetics’.2

This chapter contains sections titled: Cult Discourses Self‐conscious Cultism Cult Positioning Conclusion

A tenured position within an academic institution was supposed to be my happy ending.1 Instead, I've spent copious amounts of time and energy healing from pervasive institutional violence and trying to plan an escape.21 no longer wish to escape, but I also do not care for these institutions as I once did. Here, I use the example of a community of academic care workers that I built at the State University of New York at New Paltz (SUNY New Paltz) to consider how our collective capacity to care is appropriated and (ab)used under the neoliberal university's newfound commitment to diversity, equity, and inclusion in a (not quite) \"postpandemic\" world. Perhaps this is because our care work with one another is exchanged in what disability justice activist Leah Lakshmi PiepznaSamarasinha calls a \"fair trade emotional labor economy\"-our care for one another is reciprocal, consensual, acknowledged, and appreciated.8 We practice care abundance, engaging in what The Care Collective refers to as \"promiscuous care\"-the kind of care rooted in alternative kinship structures that \"enable us to multiply the number of people we can care for, about and with\" within a systematically uncaring university system.9 I have always understood the POCN to be a labor of love, but because it was something I made without institutional input or support, I never considered how that labor was work, specifically diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) work for the neoliberal university. A-dare I say-\"safe\" (-ish) place to work and learn.101 considered myself lucky that I was able to \"choose\" university service I was passionate about and proud of, but I understand now that our caring community is tolerated by the institution because our external interventions are appropriated by the university as diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) work/or the university.

This essay offers an account of two case studies of theatrical performance in London and Cape Town, both of which raise and interrogate the interrelated concepts of protest theatre and public space. A production of Tunde Euba’s play Brothers by the Greenwich and Lewisham Young People’s Theatre (GLYPT) in London (2013–14) and the contemporaneous theatrical work and awareness-raising campaigns of the Sex Workers Education and Advocacy Taskforce (SWEAT) in Cape Town both use performance to question, diagnose, and protest multiple forms of violence perpetrated against marginalized urban populations, often at the hands of the state. In twenty-first-century neoliberal cities such as London and Cape Town, government and private forces collude to privatize their once public spaces, thus encroaching upon, if not entirely disappearing, venues that might be used for protesting against such forms of violence (Garrett).1 Meanwhile, those public spaces that do remain are, in the ongoing era of the “War on Terror,” increasingly subject to militarized policing strategies that place increased restrictions on large assemblies and free movement within cities, “particularly for members of darker-skinned groups” (Marcuse 264).

PurposeThe real estate sector in India has assumed growing importance with the liberalisation of the economy. Developments in the real estate sector are being influenced by the developments in the retail, hospitality and entertainment (e.g. hotels, resorts and cinema theatres) segment, economic services (e.g. hospitals, schools) and information technology-enabled services (such as call centres), and vice versa. This paper aims to study the determinants of capital structure by taking into account 125 major Bombay Stock Exchange (BSE) listed real estate companies selected on the basis of their market capitalisation.Design/methodology/approachTo discover what determines capital structure, nine firm level explanatory variables (profitability-EBIT margin, return on assets, earnings volatility, non-debt tax shield, tangibility, size, growth, age debt service ratio and tax shield) were selected and regressed against the appropriate capital structure measures, namely, total debt to total assets, long-term debts to total assets, short-term debts to total assets, total liabilities to total liabilities plus equity, total debt to capital used and total debt to total liabilities plus equity. A sample of 125 real estate companies was taken and secondary data were collected. Consequently, multivariate regression analysis was made based on financial statement data of the selected companies over the study period of 2009-2015.FindingsThe major findings of the study indicated that profitability, size, age, debt service capacity growth and tax shield variables are the significant firm-level determinants.Research limitations/implicationsThe present study is carried out by taking data of only 25 companies listed on the BSE and time period covered from 2009 from 2015. Time period and sample size may be limitations of the current study.Practical implicationsThe present study is an empirical analysis of the determinants of leverage of real estate sector in India with most recent available data. Different regression equations have been formed to develop the models using firm-specific determinants and different measures of leverage or capital structure. Data were regressed using SPSS application software, and the resulting (or obtained) regression outputs are analysed. This study will help the Indian real estate companies to the know the impact of different variables while raising short-term and long-term loans.Social implicationsThe current study will benefit all stakeholders of society who are fascinated to be acquainted with the financing of real estate companies and the factors affecting long-term and short-term financing of this sector. Specifically, public engrossed in different modes of investment and financial institution will be the prime gainers.Originality/valueThe present study has been completed using authentic data from the annual reports and database. This study uses explanatory variables and different measures of leverage which were limited in use in previous studies. Moreover, this research is a comprehensive study that deals with developing different regression models by using diverse measures of leverage.

Cities are live performances. How people behave in the streets, in the parks, in the outdoor markets, in stadiums, and inside buildings gives cities their unique character, ambience, and tone. It is not only what physical spaces and structures signify about urban organization, hierarchies, and aesthetic invention but the imaginative behavior that people perform in and around those structures that is also important for understanding cities. The interdisciplinary field of performance studies can be instrumental in analyzing how cities are produced and performed precisely because the field and its methodological diversity bridges social, political, theatrical, and architectural forms of thought.

The family that owns the company that makes OxyContin is calling a Massachusetts' lawsuit false and misleading. This is the Sackler family's first court response to allegations that individual family members helped fuel the deadly opioid epidemic. Attorneys for the Sackler family say the claims must be dismissed. Massachusetts was among the first state government to sue the family as well as the company last year.