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The goal of college English teaching is not only to convey language knowledge and improve students’ language skills, but also closely related to the current political, economic, social and cultural realities. Its textbooks are largely a manifestation of the country’s dominant ideology and also the way the ruling class realizes social control. This study, based on Professor Apple’s theory of critical pedagogy, attempts to provide an insight into the most commonly used college EFL textbooks in Mainland China and show what and how ideologies and values are presented on the pages. Literature and content analysis methods are employed. The results reveal that the two sets of textbooks are imbued with the ideological ideas which center on the theme of \"harmony\", highlighting the peaceful coexistence between the country, society and individuals. Dominant ideologies have been implemented as the core spirit of textbook compilation, and the themes such as multiplicity, equality, tolerance and so on frequently appear in explicit and implicit ways. The implicitness of political ideologies, the prominence of economic development, the dominance of social issues, the awakening of individual consciousness, etc. are expressed and transmitted through EFL textbooks.

This article explores the connections between white institutional spaces, emotional labor, and resistance by illuminating the shared experiences of people of color in elite law schools and the commercial aviation industry. Based on in-depth qualitative data combined from two individual studies, we illustrate the processes by which white institutional spaces create a complex environment where people of color must navigate racial narratives, ideologies, and discourses, while simultaneously attempting to achieve institutional success to reap the material rewards of these elite institutional settings. In these distinct environments, people of color experience an unequal distribution of emotional labor as a result of negotiating both everyday racial micro-aggressions and dismissive dominant ideologies that deny the relevance of race and racism. As a result they must actively seek ways to engage in forms of resistance that promote counter narratives and protect themselves from denigration while minimizing the risk of severe consequence. Our data suggest that a more nuanced conceptualization of resistance and the context in which resistance occurs is needed in order to understand the everyday experiences of people of color.

Drawing on previous work on the relationship between intensive mothering ideologies and mental health outcomes, the present study analyzed the relationship between the pressure to be the perfect mother and psychological well-being for modern mothers. Specifically, this study suggests that even women who do not subscribe to these ideologies are at-risk for experiencing increased stress and anxiety, and decreased self-efficacy in the face of the pressure to be perfect and guilt for not living up to high mothering expectations. The sample for this study was recruited using a snowball sampling technique via e-mail and an online survey instrument. The final sample included 283 mothers aged 18–50 mostly from the West (45 %) and Midwest (29 %) regions of the U.S., but also including the South (18 %) and Northeast (8 %). Hierarchical linear regression results indicate that mothers who experience the pressure to be perfect experience lower self-efficacy and higher levels of stress. Mothers who experience guilt for not meeting parenting expectations also experience lower self-efficacy, higher levels of stress and higher levels of anxiety. Contrary to prior research, intensive mothering beliefs were not a significant predictor of poorer mental health. The results from this study indicate that internalizing guilt and the pressure to be the perfect mother are detrimental for mothers regardless of whether or not they subscribe to intensive motherhood ideologies. This study also emphasizes the importance of framing motherhood with a feminist sociological lens to critique the dominant ideologies of motherhood and the detrimental effects on women.

The ubiquity of references to happiness and wellbeing indicates widespread anxiety that all may not be well, reflecting the erosion of the social in late capitalist modernity. The paper finds that, rather than helping to solve this problem, individualist formulations of wellbeing in policy mimic or deepen the underlying pathology. Drawing on empirical research in Zambia and India, it advocates an alternative approach, relational wellbeing, which is grounded in a relational ontology that can challenge dominant ideologies of the self, places central the generative quality of relationality which is critical to societal change and engenders a socially inclusive political vision.

This article provides a historical contextualization of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and its political role. CSR, we propose, is one form of business–society interactions reflecting a unique ideological framing. To make that argument, we compare contemporary CSR with two historical ideal-types. We explore in turn paternalism in nineteenth century Europe and managerial trusteeship in early twentieth century US. We outline how the political responsibilities of business were constructed, negotiated, and practiced in both cases. This historical contextualization shows that the frontier between economy and polity has always been blurry and shifting and that firms have played a political role for a very long time. It also allows us to show how the nature, extent, and impact of that political role changed through history and coevolved in particular with shifts in dominant ideologies. Globalization, in that context, is not the driver of the political role of the firm but a moderating phenomenon contributing significantly to the dynamics of this shift. The comparison between paternalism, trusteeship, and contemporary CSR points to what can be seen as functional equivalents—alternative patterns of business-society interactions that each correspond, historically, to unique and distinct ideological frames. We conclude by drawing implications for future theorizing on (political) CSR and stakeholder democracy.

Although evaluation of income inequality has been the subject of many studies, there are questions that remain to be answered. In regard to the structural position thesis, the reflection thesis and dominant ideology thesis, this article examines how much income inequality people will accept before deciding that the disparity is too large and how societal differences can be explained adequately. For this purpose, the attitudes of about 35,000 repondents in 30 countries are investigated. A multi-level analysis is carried out using data from the ISSP survey 'Social Inequality III' of 1999. At the societal level, both socio-economic and cultural characteristics are considered. While much research places emphasis on dominant ideologies, this analysis in addition attempts to grasp these ideologies by aggregating individual beliefs. It is shown that societal differences are well explained by ideologies, but that socio-economic characteristics are important as well. At the microlevel, several individual characteristics are considered. Among other things, people at the top of the vertical axis are less critical than those at the bottom. There are also substantial differences between societies in regard to how much inequality in income ratio will be accepted. Thus, people not only accept different amounts of income, they even have different preferences about which ratio is just.

This article argues that Ella Baker’s ideology of radical democracy shaped her theory of organizing, including her theories of mass action and indigenous leadership. Against the emerging consensus in realist and radical democratic theory that both Baker’s praxis and democratic organizing more broadly are nonideological, I argue that all organizing is ideological if, with Stuart Hall, we understand ideology not as a rigid set of beliefs but as a dynamic framework for understanding society. Organizers make decisions based on their own ideologies and they attempt to maintain or reshape the dominant ideologies. In this sense, organizers are political theorists: they have self-conscious theories of how society works and changes based on which they make strategic decisions. I demonstrate a method for interpreting organizers’ political theories and argue that Baker’s theory of radical democracy offers democratic theory insight into the practices and organizational structures that advance democratization.

What forms of intracommunity stigma do young sexual minority men narrate as they participate in communities through mobile apps? In a content analysis of 32 interviews with a racially diverse sample of young sexual minority men (ages 19–25; 84.4% non-White) from four regions of the USA, a majority of men (62.5%) spontaneously discussed mobile apps (e.g., Grindr, Scruff) when asked about their experience of community more broadly. Men’s narratives revealed engagement with intracommunity stigma related to body size, race/ethnicity, gender expression, and sexual position (e.g., bottom). Stigma related to HIV status, substance use, and social class were not spontaneously narrated in response to questions about men’s experience in communities. Expressions of stigma were frequently experienced intersectionally, particularly regarding racialized stereotype expectations (e.g., “Asian men are twinks, effeminate”). We discuss the ways in which sexual minority men reproduce dominant ideologies related to racism, misogyny, and masculine body ideals as they engage with one another on mobile apps. To the extent that many young men rely on mobile apps for community connection, their experiences of community might serve to exacerbate, rather than ameliorate, the deleterious impact of stigma.

China has experienced a striking rise of volunteerism in the past three decades while the civil society is still incipient and repressed by the authoritarian state. This seeming paradox alludes to the critical role of the state, which has been well noted but scarcely examined in the extant literature on Chinese volunteering. Analyzing 103 government documents associated with volunteering that were published between 1986 and 2017, this study explores the state’s roles and motivations in fostering volunteerism. It finds that Chinese volunteering has been incorporated into the state’s ruling scheme by developing a state-controlled volunteer service system. Volunteering is utilized for strengthening the state’s ideological hegemony, implementing innovative social management for social stability, and facilitating the Chinese Communist Party’s party building for its long-term rule. Implications and suggestions for future research are included.

The challenges faced by learner-centred education (LCE) reforms in developing countries may be partly explained by their failure to engage with the culturally shaped beliefs in which teachers’ practice is rooted. Drawing from a mixed methods study of 60 government primary teachers in India, this research points to cultural tensions faced by LCE reforms in India. Although India’s own Constitutional values and pedagogical reform movements support LCE’s ideals, many teachers’ beliefs are shaped by dominant ideologies that contradict LCE’s assumptions. Imposing a predetermined, ‘Western’model of LCE practice will inevitably face challenges if not supported by teachers’ underlying beliefs – and in fact contradicts LCE’s own ideals of empowering teacher agency. Instead, the paper argues for pedagogical reforms to focus less on a predesigned model of learner-centred practice and more on its underlying beliefs: by seeking to instil culturally relevant learning-centred beliefs, and involving teachers themselves in determining what learning-centred practice might look like within their context.