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Abstract Can property ownership be essentially equated with the absolute and individual right to exclude others from a resource? By critically assessing this question, this article reconstructs the republican conception of property, explaining the way it was formerly shaped by the ancient natural law, and then by the Lockean tradition. Both intellectual and conceptual influences molded modern republican's property conception as a kind of fiduciary relationship, namely, as an institutional and juridical agreement between a trustor or principal and its trustees or agents with overlapped and interdependent interests, necessities, and rights. This view differs from the so-called “classical liberal property” commonly understood as an absolute dominium relying on an individual and exclusivist right enabling their holder to freely alienate and freely accumulate material things. The article concludes by suggesting that important legal areas of our contemporary market societies are certainly established in accordance with this republican-fiduciary conception of property rights.

The article aims to examine the understanding of Domingo de Soto on the natural law and its projection for the analysis of human rights. Starting from Thomas Aquinas, the Segovian author situates the institute of the “dominium” in the spectrum of demands of the natural law, subjecting it to the table of the first principles of practical reason. In the article proposed here we seek to explore the analytical discourse present in two of his works: De Iustitia et Iure and Relectio de Dominio.

The aim of the present paper is to recall, in light of the newest research, the originality and the innovation of Albert the Great’s, Thomas Aquinas’ and Giles of Rome’s interpretations of the definition of man as a “political animal”, in the frame of the rediscovery of Aristotle by the Latin West, the historic-philosophic outlines of which are still not entirely transparent. Is it legitimate to state that through this school of thought in the Late Middle Ages there was a transformation of the traditional subject of politics, even if effacing the corruption that originates from human nature itself? In addition, is it true that the well-known position of “transformation” of the political animal into a social animal, while being suggestive and exact, omits the character of both novelty and rupture when juxtaposed to the usual framework at the time? My considerations will be divided into five parts. First, I will convey a short sketch of Aristotle’s notion of man as a political animal. In the second part, I will look at the political implications of the conception of power stemming from the original sin, a prevailing notion in the Latin Middle Ages and one that very much endured until the knowledge of the peripatetic political approach resurfaced. In the last three parts, I will attempt to explore the interpretations framed in the works of Albert the Great (III), Thomas Aquinas (IV) and Giles of Rome (V). And finally, in my concluding remarks, I will attempt to emphasize the problematic core condensed in the concepts which preside over the present paper.

Since the very beginning, Confucianism has been troubled by a serious gap between its political ideals and the reality of societal circumstances. Contemporary Confucians must develop a viable method of governance that can retain the spirit of the Confucian ideal while tackling problems arising from nonideal modern situations. The best way to meet this challenge, Joseph Chan argues, is to adopt liberal democratic institutions that are shaped by the Confucian conception of the good rather than the liberal conception of the right. Confucian Perfectionismexamines and reconstructs both Confucian political thought and liberal democratic institutions, blending them to form a new Confucian political philosophy. Chan decouples liberal democratic institutions from their popular liberal philosophical foundations in fundamental moral rights, such as popular sovereignty, political equality, and individual sovereignty. Instead, he grounds them on Confucian principles and redefines their roles and functions, thus mixing Confucianism with liberal democratic institutions in a way that strengthens both. Then he explores the implications of this new yet traditional political philosophy for fundamental issues in modern politics, including authority, democracy, human rights, civil liberties, and social justice. Confucian Perfectionismcritically reconfigures the Confucian political philosophy of the classical period for the contemporary era.

Palabras clave Dominio - posesión - comunidad romano- germánica - superficie - feudo - gewere - seisin Abstract The study analyzes the Roman - Germanic legal regime of the land and other related real rights in the Visigoth kingdoms of Hispania and its subsequent encounter with the feudal territorial legal structure: Más tarde, Recesvinto continuó con esta adopción del dominio y la posesión jurídica de equidad romanos: \"[...] sibi quisque privari possit dominio rerumn4; \"[...] quique sortius vix est usus elementorum, quibus concretus est, quomodo sortietur bona rerum, ad quarum dominium natus non est?'13; \"[...] nec contra signa evidentia debitum dominium ullum longe possessionis tempus excludat\"16. Una constitución imperial de Arcadio y Honorio, de finales del siglo IV d. C., (fiel a las prácticas de acogida de Teodosio el Grande con los godos, quienes fueron establecidos por este en las zonas limítrofes y fronterizas de la parte oriental del Imperio) dispuso: \"In qualibet vel nos ipsi urbe fuerimus vel ii qui nobis militant commorentur, omni tam mensorum quam etiam hospitum iniquitate summota duas dominus propriae domus, tertia hospiti deputata, eatenus intrepidus ac securus possideat portiones, ut in tres domu divisa partes primam eligendi dominus habeat facultatem, secundam hospes quam voluerit exequatur, tertia domino relinquenda. Sane si stabulum, ut adsolet, militari viro in tertia domus parte defuerit, ex ergasteriis, nisi id dominus qualibet occasione providerit, pro animalium numero vel domus qualitate deputabitur.

This article shows how eco-theology could and should be indigenised in an African context using the Copperbelt in Zambia as a case study. The ecological crisis worldwide has given rise to the call for everyone to work together to start caring about our natural environment. In theology, the response to this call received the name eco-theology. By means of a literature review, ethnographic information and governmental legislation, the article tries to illustrate how eco-theology could and should be indigenised in an African context using the Copperbelt in Zambia as a case study. This article makes an attempt to contribute to the needed ecological renewal by reinterpreting two traditions that inform thinking on the Copperbelt: Christianity and African traditional religion. The supernatural belief of the Lamba people is no longer embodied in this creation, and it is not too late for the people to form any indigenous environmental protection movement to protect the sacredness of mother Earth from further contamination and exploitation by strengthening, maintaining and respecting the traditional teachings and the cultural laws. Obedience to God's command to tend creation is a quest for continued creation by humans, so that value is added to what is already in existence. This is embodied making the place we live in more beautiful, appealing and peaceful. Fruitfulness with sustainability becomes core values for interdependence and earth keeping.Contribution: We wish to address the ecological situation of the mining industry in Zambia from a theological perspective by assessing the impact of the copper mining and processing industry on humans, their environment and nature and by showing how the traditions of African traditional religion (ATR) thought can be transformed into tools to oppose this ecological disaster.

This article addresses immediate contexts for Hobbes's theories of war and empire: Anglo-Dutch rivalry over freedom of the seas, and the Virginia Company's mandate to colonize America as 'unclaimed land' (terra nullius). It stakes out new ground: first in maintaining that both Donne and Hobbes invoked the doctrine of terra nullius, following the Jamestown Massacre of 1622, shortly after it had been formulated by Grotius, and long before it was known by this name; and second, in making the case that Hobbes's 'nasty brutish and short' seems to refer specifically to the life of Virginian 'savages', rather than being a general description of the natural condition of humankind. Hobbes was present when John Donne preached to the Virginia Company in 1622, invoking terra nullius, and Donne's argument may be read as a template for Hobbes's 'Bulimia of Dominium'. Like Donne, Hobbes read Jamestown as the empire striking back.

El presente trabajo aborda los medios alternativos de solución de conflictos en el área de la propiedad industrial y las ventajas que estos ofrecen. En este artículo se focaliza la mirada hacia el Centro de Arbitraje y Mediación de la OMPI. Se analizan el Reglamento de Arbitraje, el Reglamento de Arbitraje Acelerado, el Reglamento de Mediación y el Reglamento de Decisión de Experto de la OMPI. Asimismo, se exponen dos casos resueltos por el Centro de la OMPI vinculados a empresas cubanas.

This article is about permissible economic activity of a commune with special emphasis on the principles of taxation of individual actions taken by such a body. The basic thesis of this study is that recognition of a commune as the payer of goods and services tax is possible only to the extent of activities it undertakes within the scope of dominium, not imperium. The confirmation of that thesis is sought in historical and axiological considerations about economic freedom and also the analysis of legal framework for the activity of a commune. Moreover, the article provides an overview of practical problems related to taxation of communes.

El desdoblamiento de la posesión de la tierra y las riquezas naturales se ha vuelto un asunto importante en la investigación histórica. Los estudios sobre las prácticas y los contratos enfitéuticos han abierto nuevas pistas para el análisis histórico y el conocimiento del presente en el mundo rural (y también en el urbano). Si el avance ha sido notorio en Europa, los historiadores latinoamericanos también han contribuido a desbrozar ese campo del saber. Al ser la perspectiva comparatista uno de los instrumentos metodológicos más eficaces, el objetivo del presente artículo es presentar los avances de la producción europea junto con los latinoamericanos y poner de realce los retos de investigación futuros, renovando enfoques, igualmente comparatistas, sobre asuntos como el espacio rural, la propiedad de la tierra y la producción agrícola, que están nuevamente sobre el tapete.