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To document the distribution of iris color in the United States of America. This original investigation is an epidemiologic assessment of eye color data from all 50 states' Department of Motor Vehicles (DMV). All driver's license holders data nationwide (age 16 years and older, both genders) were requested from the Department of Motor Vehicles (DMVs) in each state. Driver's license holders from states whose DMV did not participate in the study due to special state-specific regulations, did not compile iris color information, or did not respond were then excluded. Self reported eye color information was obtained from the DMVs databases of each driver's license applicant self-reported eye color information. All 50 states' Department of Motor Vehicles in the USA were contacted using various methods and the database of driver licenses eye color for current active licenses (without including any personal information) was requested. Any iris color beyond grey, blue, green, hazel, or brown/black was categorized as \"others\". Iris color of 235,423,085 driver's license holders (DLHs) from 31 states was collected. The data show that brown/black iris color was documented in 124,811,254 DLHs (53%), blue in 55,797,458 DLHs (23.7%), hazel in 24,152,854 DLHs (10.3%), green in 21,258,873 DLHs (9%), grey in 1,597,675 DLHs (0.7%), and other iris colors in 7,804,971 DLHs (3.3%). Utilizing information from over 230 million driver's license holders, this report is the largest study of iris color distribution representing the United States of America, thus providing a valuable source for future eye disease and other sociological research. The data show that the most prominent iris color in the United States of America is brown/black, then blue, hazel, green, other iris colors, and grey.

Background The impact of young drivers’ motor vehicle crashes (MVC) is substantial, with young drivers constituting only 14% of the US population, but contributing to 30% of all fatal and nonfatal injuries due to MVCs and 35% ($25 billion) of the all medical and lost productivity costs. The current best-practice policy approach, Graduated Driver Licensing (GDL) programs, are effective primarily by delaying licensure and restricting crash opportunity. There is a critical need for interventions that target families to complement GDL. Consequently, we will determine if a comprehensive parent-teen intervention, the Drivingly Program, reduces teens’ risk for a police-reported MVC in the first 12 months of licensure. Drivingly is based on strong preliminary data and targets multiple risk and protective factors by delivering intervention content to teens, and their parents, at the learner and early independent licensing phases. Methods Eligible participants are aged 16-17.33 years of age, have a learner’s permit in Pennsylvania, have practiced no more than 10 h, and have at least one parent/caregiver supervising. Participants are recruited from the general community and through the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia’s Recruitment Enhancement Core. Teen-parent dyads are randomized 1:1 to Drivingly or usual practice control group. Drivingly participants receive access to an online curriculum which has 16 lessons for parents and 13 for teens and an online logbook; website usage is tracked. Parents receive two, brief, psychoeducational sessions with a trained health coach and teens receive an on-road driving intervention and feedback session after 4.5 months in the study and access to DriverZed, the AAA Foundation’s online hazard training program. Teens complete surveys at baseline, 3 months post-baseline, at licensure, 3months post-licensure, 6 months post-licensure, and 12 months post-licensure. Parents complete surveys at baseline, 3 months post-baseline, and at teen licensure. The primary end-point is police-reported MVCs within the first 12 months of licensure; crash data are provided by the Pennsylvania Department of Transportation. Discussion Most evaluations of teen driver safety programs have significant methodological limitations including lack of random assignment, insufficient statistical power, and reliance on self-reported MVCs instead of police reports. Results will identify pragmatic and sustainable solutions for MVC prevention in adolescence. Trial Registration ClinicalTrials.gov # NCT03639753.

Background With increasingly tough graduated driver licensing laws in all Australian States and Territories, driver licensing support programs are recognised as being important to support Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples to obtain a driver licence. Such programs appear to improve licensing attainment rates, but few studies have examined the broader impact that these programs can have. This research aims to 1) examine the impact of a New South Wales (NSW) based driver licensing support program (Driving Change) on client employment outcomes; 2) assess the influence of geographical area of program delivery on driver licence attainment. Methods Driving Change was delivered from February 2013 to August 2016 in 4 urban and 7 regional Aboriginal communities of NSW. Clients were followed-up at 6 months or more following contact with the program as part of routine program operations. Descriptive statistics and regression models were used to analyse data. Results From 933 clients contacted 254 agreed to provide feedback, a response rate of 27%. Those that responded were mostly female (57%), aged 24 years and under (72%), unemployed (85%) with secondary education or less (71%) and from a regional area (74%). Adjusted logistic regression indicated that clients who achieved an independent licence were more likely (OR: 2.5, 95% CI: 1.22–5.24, p  = 0.011) of reporting a new job or change in job than those who did not attain a licence. Clients from regional areas were more likely (OR: 1.72, 95% CI: 1.27–2.33, p  < 0.001) to gain an independent licence than those from urban areas. There was no difference in employment outcomes (OR: 1.2, 95% CI: 0.53–2.52, p  = 0.719) for clients from urban compared to regional areas. Conclusion The Driving Change program appears to be effective in improving employment outcomes for those who gained a licence. Clients from regional areas were more likely to gain a licence compared to those in urban settings, and were predominantly young and unemployed, often a hard to reach cohort. Future licensing programs being delivered in regional areas need integrated pathways into employment opportunities to provide holistic services that address the social and economic challenges faced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians.

The integration of immigrants presents a major challenge for policymakers in the United States. In an effort to improve integration, several US states recently have implemented laws that provide driver’s licenses to unauthorized immigrants. These new laws have sparked widespread debate, but we lack evidence on the traffic safety impact of these policies. We examine the short-term effects of the largest-scale policy shift, California’s Assembly Bill 60 (AB60), under which more than 600,000 licenses were issued in the first year of implementation in 2015 alone. We find that, contrary to concerns voiced by opponents of the law, AB60 has had no discernible short-term effect on the number of accidents. The law primarily allowed existing unlicensed drivers to legalize their driving. We also find that, although AB60 had no effect on the rate of fatal accidents, it did decrease the rate of hit and run accidents, suggesting that the policy reduced fears of deportation and vehicle impoundment. Hit and run behaviors often delay emergency assistance, increase insurance premiums, and leave victims with significant out of pocket expenses. Overall, the results suggest that AB60 provides an example of how states can facilitate the integration of immigrants while creating positive externalities for the communities in which they live.

Background In the United States (U.S.), several states have laws that allow individuals to obtain driver’s licenses regardless of their immigration status. Possession of a driver’s license can improve an individual’s access to social programs, healthcare services, and employment opportunities, which could lead to improvements in perceived mental and physical health among Latinos living in the U.S. Methods Using Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System data (2011–2019) for Latinos living in the U.S. overall (immigration status was not available), we compared the average number of self-reported perceived poor mental and physical health days/month, and general health status (single-item measures) before (January 2011-June 2013) and after implementation (July 2015-December 2019) of immigrant-inclusive license policies using interrupted time-series analyses and segmented linear regression, and a control group of states in which such policies were not implemented. We also compared the average number of adults reporting any perceived poor mental or physical health days (≥ 1 day/month) using a similar approach. Results One hundred twenty-three thousand eight hundred seven Latino adults were included; 66,805 lived in states that adopted immigrant-inclusive license policies. After implementation, average number of perceived poor physical health days significantly decreased from 4.30 to 3.80 days/month (immediate change = -0.64, 95% CI = -1.10 to -0.19). The proportion reporting ≥ 1 perceived poor physical and mental health day significantly decreased from 41 to 34% (OR = 0.89, 95% CI = 0.80–1.00) and from 40 to 33% (OR = 0.84, 95% CI = 0.74–0.94), respectively. Conclusions Among all Latinos living in the U.S., immigrant-inclusive license policies were associated with fewer perceived poor physical health days per month and fewer adults experiencing poor physical and mental health. Because anti-immigrant policies can harm Latino communities regardless of immigration status and further widen health inequities, implementing state policies that do not restrict access to driver licenses based on immigrant status documentation could help address upstream drivers of such inequities.

BackgroundEffective implementation of vision screening standards at driving licensing testing centres (DLTCs) necessitates adequate administrative and resource management.AimTo ascertain the perspectives of site managers and driver’s licence examiners regarding vision screening standards at DLTCs in Gauteng province, South Africa.SettingThe study was conducted in Gauteng province, South Africa.MethodsA qualitative study that utilised interview questionnaires to assess site managers’ and driver’s licence examiners’ perspectives on the vision screening standards at the DLTC sites.ResultsA total of 30 participants, comprising 15 site managers and 15 driver’s licence examiners, were interviewed from 15 out of 32 randomly selected functional DLTCs in the Gauteng province. The current vision policy and driving practices have remained unchanged since their inception. The vision screening equipment utilised at DLTCs has transitioned from manually operated to automated systems. Nevertheless, frequent machine breakdowns, primarily attributed to inadequate maintenance plans, were among the most frequently reported barriers to efficient vision screening.ConclusionThis study highlights the need to review and update vision-related policies and practices for driver licensing in South Africa. This entails establishing a Medical Advisory Board to ensure appropriate vision screening functions for driving and reliable vision screening technology. Specifically, this will include implementing a vision-related examiner’s training programme with a certificate of competence, an electronic eye-testing interface, proactive equipment maintenance programmes, improved quality control mechanisms and standardisation of the vision screening process across all DLTCs.ContributionThis study identified challenges to the effective implementation of vision screening for driving.

Background Driver license departments in many US states collect data on individuals’ height and weight. These data can be useful to researchers in epidemiological and public health studies. As height and weight on driver license are self-reported, they may be prone to reporting bias. We compare height and weight obtained from driver license records and clinically measured height and weight, as well as body mass index (BMI) values calculated using the two data sources for the same individual. Methods We linked individual height and weight records obtained from the Driver License Division (DLD) in the Utah Department of Public Safety to clinical records from one of the largest healthcare providers in the state of Utah. We then calculated average differences between height, weight and BMI values separately for women and men in the sample, as well as discrepancies between the two sets of measures by age and BMI category. We examined how well self-reported height and weight from the driver licenses classify individuals into specific BMI categories based on clinical measures. Finally, we used two sets of BMI values to estimate individuals’ relative risk of type II diabetes. Results Individuals, on average, tend to overestimate their height and underestimate their weight. Consequently, the value of BMI calculated using driver license records is lower than BMI calculated using clinical measurements. The discrepancy varies by age and by BMI category. Despite the discrepancy, BMI based on self-reported height and weight allows for accurate categorization of individuals at the higher end of the BMI scale, such as the obese. When used as predictors of relative risk of type II diabetes, both sets of BMI values yield similar risk estimates. Conclusions Data on height and weight from driver license data can be a useful asset for monitoring population health in states where such information is collected, despite the degree of misreporting associated with self-report.

[...]in 1986, Congress adopted the Commercial Motor Vehicle Safety Act (CMVSA).1 The CMVSA aims to prevent commercial motor vehicle (CMV) drivers from concealing unsafe driving records by carrying licenses from more than one state, thereby creating and implementing the rule of one driver, one license, and one record. In criminal law, \"masking\" is defined as \"the practice or an instance of a defendant's agreeing by plea bargain to plead guilty to a less serious offense than the one criminally charged, as by pleading guilty to parking on the curb when one has been charged with speeding in a school zone. Keeping accurate records of CDL Judge Stephanie Domitrovich, PhD, is a senior judge for Pennsylvania after being elected and serving as general jurisdiction trial judge for over 32 years. holders promotes accountability for the offenders' actions. [...]these federal laws apply whether the CDL holders were convicted for offenses committed in their home states where the drivers are licensed or in any state where CDL holders have traveled.3 Moreover, these laws and regulations apply when CDL holders are driving any type of vehicle, including their own personal vehicles, when violations occur. Drug impairment affects CDL holders' reflexes, thereby causing life-threatening consequences on highways and roads. [...]large trucks require more attention due to their commercial vehicles having many blind spots.

In Australia, one significant cause of the imprisonment and disadvantage of First Nations people relates to transport injustice. First Nations people face obstacles in becoming lawful road users, particularly in relation to acquiring driver licences, with driving unlicensed a common pathway into the criminal justice system. This paper identifies that while some programs focus on increasing driver licensing for First Nations people, there are significant limitations in terms of coverage and access. Further, very few diversionary or support programs proactively address the intersection between First Nations people's driver licensing and the criminal justice system. Nevertheless, it is argued that scope does exist within some state and territory criminal justice programs to enhance transport justice by assisting First Nations people to secure driver licensing. This paper highlights the need for accessible, available and culturally safe driver licencing support programs in First Nations communities led by First Nations people.

Since 1988, 27 states have introduced No Pass, No Drive laws, which tie a teenager’s ability to receive and maintain a driver’s license to various school-related outcomes—most commonly, enrollment and attendance. Enrollment-Based No Pass, No Drive policies, in 21 states, target both enrollment and attendance, and have negligible effects on dropout rates. However, these policies decrease the Averaged Freshman Graduation Rate (AFGR) by between 1 and 1.7 percentage points. This lower graduation rate stems from students delaying their dropout decision by up to two years. As a result, these students are retained in the ninth and tenth grades, increasing 9th-grade enrollment by 3.6 percent relative to 8th-grade enrollment the year prior; this causes an artificial reduction in the graduation rate, rather than a reduction in the true likelihood that a student will graduate. Truancy-Based No Pass, No Drive policies, in five states, target only attendance—teens that fail to meet a minimum attendance requirement lose their driver’s license. However, these policies allow students to drop out of school without facing this penalty. These policies increase the annual dropout rate by between 23 and 34 percent (1 to 1.6 percentage points).