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Do different tasks shield differently from the scarring effects of job loss? This study examines how the effects of job loss depend on task usage. We use Finnish linked employer–employee data from 2001 to 2016, representative survey data on task usage, and plant closures to identify individuals who involuntarily lose their jobs. We find that heterogeneity in the cost of job loss is linked to task usage. Workers in more social task-intensive origin jobs have smaller employment and earnings losses, whereas workers in routine jobs face larger wage losses. The probability of being employed is 8.3 pp higher (3.9 pp lower) per one standard deviation higher than mean social (routine) task usage 1 year after the job loss event. We also find that workers with longer tenure face larger losses and that task usage contributes more to their losses. The results show that the costs of job loss depend on task usage in the origin job. Public policy measures should be targeted at employees in routine-intensive jobs, since they face the largest losses.

This paper examines the impact of both husbands' and wives' job displacement on the risk that the marriage ends in divorce. Using Swedish-linked employee—employer data, all married couples in which one of the spouses lost his or her job because of an establishment closure in 1987 or 1988 and a comparison sample were identified. Over a 12-year period, the excess risk of divorce among couples' in which the husband was displaced was 13% and statistically significant. The estimated impact of wives' job displacements was of almost the same size, but not statistically significant.

Hundreds of millions of children are losing learning opportunities, resulting in potentially large losses in their lifetime education, health, income, and productivity. Losses in longterm earnings from preprimary program closures due to COVID-19 can be unprecedented. Acute effects are plausible for such disruptions early in life when brains are rapidly developing and are very sensitive to environmental changes. This study briefly reviews existing literature related to the effects of preprimary programs and builds on this literature to present the first simulations of the long-run earnings losses—when current preschool-age children become adults—due to COVID-19 related preprimary-program closures in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). The simulations are available for 26 LAC countries, representing varied contexts in terms of pre-pandemic preprimary-participation rates, income levels, and demographic indicators. Our results suggest that the present discounted value of lifetime losses is considerable, up to 4 percent of current annual GDPs. Timely policies, such as the implementation of remedial strategies, are needed to mitigate the effects of preprimary-program closures.

The purpose of this study is to determine whether South African managers manage earnings to avoid reporting small losses (small earnings decreases). The study covers all the companies listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE) from 2003 to 2011. In line with Burgstahler and Dichev (1997), the cross-sectional distributions of earnings and changes in earnings are examined and the distributions are shown in histograms. Previous research (using data from the United States) has shown that the distribution curve for both the earnings and the change in earnings variable had noticeably fewer observations just below zero than would normally be expected, and a significantly higher number of observations just above zero. This pattern in the distributions suggests that managers manage reported earnings to ensure that earnings do not fall below a specific threshold, this being zero or the previous year's performance. Interestingly, and in contrast with the previous literature, using the Burgstahler and Dichev (1997) research model of analysis, our results show no evidence of managers in South Africa managing earnings to avoid reporting small losses or small decreases in earnings. A possible reason for this could be the relatively smaller size of the JSE (compared with stock exchanges in the United States). In addition, and more important, is the possibility that investors and analysts in South Africa may be fixated on other performance indicators, such as revenue and headline earnings per share, rather than on earnings (profits). This study adds to the limited research on earnings management in South Africa, which is a developing economy. Furthermore, previous research shows an inverse relationship between earnings management and earnings quality. The results of this study may therefore be useful to the users and the regulators of financial reports, both are concerned with earnings for the purposes of assessing the cost of capital and how companies utilise their resources.

In this article we present new evidence that the capacity of households to cover earnings lost during spells of unemployment through a combination of drawing down of wealth and receipt of unemployment insurance and other transfer payments is very limited and has deteriorated since the 1980s. Since 2006, most households have not had nearly enough financial wealth to smooth their consumption over more than a very short spell of unemployment. Individuals experiencing involuntary job loss also tend to experience substantial earnings reductions upon reemployment, resulting in longer-term deterioration in household finances. Wealth inadequacy to cover lost earnings and the earnings reduction upon reemployment are both especially acute in long unemployment spells, such as those that were prevalent in the aftermath of the Great Recession.

Reduced trade barriers and lower costs of transportation and information have meant that a growing part of the economy has been exposed to international trade. In particular, this is the case in the service sector. We divide the service sector into a tradable and a non-tradable part using an approach to identify tradable industries utilizing a measure of regional concentration of production. We examine whether the probability of displacement is higher and income losses after displacement greater for workers in tradable services and manufacturing (tradable) than in non-tradable services. We also analyze whether the probability of re-employment is higher for workers displaced from tradable services and manufacturing than from non-tradable services. We find that in the 2000s the probability of displacement is relatively high in tradable services in comparison to non-tradable services and manufacturing. On the other hand, the probability of re-employment is higher for those displaced from tradable services. The largest income losses are found for those who had been displaced from manufacturing. Interestingly, the income losses of those displaced from manufacturing seems mainly to be due to longer spells of non-employment, whereas for those displaced in tradable services lower wages in their new jobs compared to their pre-displacement jobs appears to play a larger role.

\"Dieser Beitrag vergleicht zwei Methoden zur Einschätzung der Übertragbarkeit beruflicher Kompetenzen sowohl in theoretischer als auch empirischer Hinsicht. Die erste Methode basiert auf der Studie von Shaw (1984), die zweite auf der Studie von Ormiston (2014). Der Hauptunterschied zwischen den beiden dort verwendeten Methoden liegt darin, dass die Übertragbarkeit der Kompetenzen nach Shaw ein 'marktorientierter' Ansatz ist. Die Bewertung erfolgt anhand eines tatsächlichen Berufswechsels. Die Übertragbarkeit der Kompetenzen nach Ormiston hingegen ist ein 'kompetenzorientierter' Ansatz, der auf der Grundlage von Wissen, Kompetenzen und Fähigkeiten über Beschäftigungen hinweg bewertet wird.; Obwohl diese beiden Ansätze sehr verschiedene Einschätzungen der Übertragbarkeit beruflicher Kompetenzen liefern, erklären beide Methoden wirkungsvoll die Einkommensverluste der freigesetzten Arbeitskräfte. Insbesondere haben freigesetzte Arbeitskräfte, die Beschäftigungen finden, die, gemessen an der Übertragbarkeit beruflicher Kompetenzen, ihren früheren Beschäftigungen stärker ähneln, im Durchschnitt geringere Einkommensverluste als diejenigen, die weniger ähnliche Beschäftigungen finden.\" (Autorenreferat, © Springer-Verlag). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Forschungsmethode: Methodenentwicklung; Grundlagenforschung. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 2004 bis 2010. \"This paper compares two estimation methods of occupational skills transferability, both theoretically and empirically. The first method is based on Shaw's (1984) study, and the second one is based on Ormiston's (2014) study. The main difference between these two methods is that Shaw's skills transferability is a 'market' approach. It is estimated based on an actual occupational change. On the other hand, Ormiston's skills transferability is a 'skills' approach estimated based on the knowledge, skills, and abilities (KSAs) shared across occupations. Although these two approaches produce very different estimates of occupational skills transferability, both estimates significantly explain the earnings losses of displaced workers. In particular, the displaced workers who find jobs in occupations more similar to their previous jobs, as measured by occupational skills transferability, on average, suffer smaller earnings losses than those who find less similar jobs.\" (Author's abstract, © Springer-Verlag).

\"In dieser Arbeit werden die Auswirkungen akkumulierten Humankapitals, insbesondere beruflichen Humankapitals, auf die Einkommensverluste freigesetzter Arbeitskräfte untersucht. Abweichend zu den meisten früheren Studien zu Arbeitsplatzverlusten nutzt diese Arbeit die durchgängige Messgröße der Übertragbarkeit beruflicher Kenntnisse, um die Ähnlichkeit von Beschäftigungen vor und nach dem Arbeitsplatzverlust von wiederbeschäftigten freigesetzten Arbeitskräften zu messen. Unter Nutzung der Displaced Worker Survey (DWS) der Jahre 2004, 2006, 2008 und 2010 ist die wichtigste Erkenntnis dieser Arbeit, dass Einkommensverluste nach einem Arbeitsplatzverlust eine starke Korrelation mit dem Ähnlichkeitsgrad zwischen den Beschäftigungen vor und nach dem Arbeitsplatzverlust aufweisen. Freigesetzte Arbeitskräfte, die Beschäftigungen finden, die ihren früheren Beschäftigungen ähneln, haben geringere Einkommensverluste als diejenigen, die weniger ähnliche Beschäftigungen finden. Diese Beziehung ist insofern nicht linear, als eine höhere Übertragbarkeit von Kenntnissen die Einkommensverluste bei steigender Übertragbarkeit von beruflichen Kenntnissen in sinkendem Maße reduziert. Die weitere Analyse zeigt außerdem die positive Beziehung zwischen Einkommen vor dem Arbeitsplatzverlust und dem Grad der beruflichen Ähnlichkeit.\" Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Forschungsmethode: empirisch-quantitativ; empirisch; Sekundäranalyse; Längsschnitt. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 2004 bis 2010. (Autorenreferat, IAB-Doku). \"This paper examines the effect of accumulated human capital, and particularly occupational human capital, on the earnings losses of displaced workers. Unlike most of the previous studies of job displacement, this paper uses a continuous measure of occupational skills transferability to measure the similarity between the pre- and post-displacement occupations of reemployed displaced workers. Using the 2004, 2006, 2008, and 2010 Displaced Worker Survey (DWS), the main finding is that post-displacement earnings losses are highly correlated with the degree of similarity between pre- and post-displacement occupations. Displaced workers who find jobs in occupations similar to their previous jobs suffer smaller earnings losses than those who find less similar jobs. This relationship is non-linear in that higher skills transferability reduces the earnings losses at a decreasing rate as the transferability of occupational skills increases.\" (Author's abstract, IAB-Doku). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Forschungsmethode: empirisch-quantitativ; empirisch; Sekundäranalyse; Längsschnitt. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 2004 bis 2010.

Comprehensive data on the costs of multiple sclerosis is sparse. We conducted a survey of 606 persons with MS who were members of the National Multiple Sclerosis Society to obtain data on their cost of personal health services, other services, equipment, and earnings. Compensation of such cost in the form of health insurance, income support, and other subsidies was measured. Survey data and data from several secondary sources was used to measure costs incurred by comparable persons without MS. Based on the 1994 data, the annual cost of MS was estimated at over $34,000 per person, translating into a conservative estimate of national annual cost of $6.8 billion, and a total lifetime cost per case of $2.2 million. Major components of cost were earnings loss and informal care. Virtually all persons with MS had health insurance, mostly Medicare/Medicaid. Health insurance covered 51 per cent of costs for services, excluding informal care. On average, compensation for earnings loss was 27 per cent. MS is very costly to the individual, health care system, and society. Much of the cost (57 per cent) is in the form of burdens other than personal health care, including earnings loss, equipment and alternations, and formal and informal care. These costs often are not calculated.

This study documents the effects of the 2008–09 global financial crisis on poverty in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). In doing so, it describes and decomposes the effects of the crisis on poverty using data from comparable household budget surveys for Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay, and labor force surveys for Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay. The study also provides macro-micro modeling of crisis and no-crisis scenarios for Mexico and Brazil, as well as the big picture and program-specific details of the social protection policy responses for these countries and more. Among the findings are the following. First, the effects of the global financial crisis on those living in poverty were not trivial: more than 3 million people fell into or remained mired in poverty in 2009 as a result of the crisis. Of these, 2.5 million were Mexican. Second, the changes in poverty were driven by changes in labor incomes caused by a variable combination of changes in employment rates and real wages. Third, the macro-micro modeling revealed different adjustment mechanisms but similar final incidence results for Brazil and Mexico. The results were regressive overall, with the middle of the income distribution hit even a bit more than the poor. According to the descriptive results from the larger set of countries, changes in inequality accounted for a tenth to a third of changes in poverty. Fourth, countries were quite active in their social protection policy responses, largely taking advantage of programs built in precrisis years. Social transfers partially offset the lower labor earnings of the poor, although income protection for the unemployed was weak. Finally, overall the policy messages are that good policy helps attenuate the links between a global crisis and poverty in the LAC countries, and many of the important things need to be done ex ante such as dealing with the macro fundamentals and building social protection programs.