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This article focuses on the negotiation of Economic Partnership Agreements (epas) which form the central focus of the commitments made in the Cotonou Agreement, signed in 2000 by the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (acp) states. epas are part of a much wider trend witnessed since the creation of the World Trade Organization (wto), characterised by the proliferation of bilateral free trade agreements. The article argues that both the material and ideational interests of the EU need to be considered alongside the historical context of EU-acp relations. The EU is making a concerted effort to 'lock in' neoliberalism across the seven different sub-regions of the acp group by negotiating epas that include both reciprocal trade liberalisation and various 'trade-related' issues. In this way epas will go beyond the requirements for wto compatibility, resulting in a reduction of the policy space for acp states to pursue alternative development strategies. The article then considers the potential developmental impact of epas with reference to the negotiations with seven of the 15 member states of the Southern African Development Community (sadc). It is argued that the EU is promoting 'open regionalism', which poses a threat to the coherence of the regional project in southern Africa.

On 15 October 2008, CARIFORUM became the first region among the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries to sign a 'full' Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the European Union (EU). Although the EPA process has generated widespread critical commentary, few analysts have stopped to consider the motives of individual ACP countries and regions in their approach to the talks. In this article we consider the question of motives in relation to the CARIFORUM-EU EPA. Specifically, it asks why did CARIFORUM feel it necessary or desirable to sign a 'full' EPA, containing numerous provisions not actually mandated by the WTO, when the rest of the ACP was content to sign far less ambitious 'goods only' interim agreements? In order to address this question, the article goes beyond the extant EU-ACP trade literature to build on wider international political economy (IPE) scholarship, which has analysed the actions of developing countries in relation to a whole range of 'WTO-plus' North-South regional and bilateral FTAs. On this basis, the article stands back from the complex details of the agreement to analyse its wider significance, especially in terms of the presumed trade-off between the immediate economic benefits of improved and more secure market access, against the longer term costs of sacrificing the regulatory autonomy, or policy space, deemed necessary to pursue the type of trade and industrial policies deployed successfully in the past by both developed and (some) developing countries. Put simply, the article seeks to ascertain why ultimately CARIFORUM signed an agreement, what it gained from the negotiations and at what cost.

This article introduces a new approach to prediction by bringing together two different nonparametric ideas: distribution-free inference and nonparametric smoothing. Specifically, we consider the problem of constructing nonparametric tolerance/prediction sets. We start from the general conformal prediction approach, and we use a kernel density estimator as a measure of agreement between a sample point and the underlying distribution. The resulting prediction set is shown to be closely related to plug-in density level sets with carefully chosen cutoff values. Under standard smoothness conditions, we get an asymptotic efficiency result that is near optimal for a wide range of function classes. But the coverage is guaranteed whether or not the smoothness conditions hold and regardless of the sample size. The performance of our method is investigated through simulation studies and illustrated in a real data example.

The EU Funds are measure provided by the Union, whose purpose is to, in effective, fair and sustainable manner, intervene in businesses in long-lasting and sustainable way which don’t introduce undue advantage and distort the competition on relevant market. The article provides an analy sis on particular problematic aspects of EU structural at the EU level and on national level, as defined by the case-law of the Court of Justice of the EU. A case study is provided on example of Slovakia, whose performance in last two programming periods (2006–2013 and 2014–2020) was compared with those of its neighbours from V4 – Czechia, Hungary, and Poland.

This study surveys the empirical literature in which the gravity equation has been used to study the effect of economic integration agreements (EIAs) on international trade flows. We show that most studies either focus on improving the methodology to assess regionalism's overall impact, or on a small set of well-known agreements without necessarily adopting new methodological improvements. We bridge this gap by providing individual estimates for EIAs on world trade, while employing first-differencing techniques to correct for endogeneity bias and account for phase-in effects. Overall, EIAs promote trade by at most 50 %. Surprisingly, more than half of the EIAs investigated have had no discernible impact on trade at all, while only about one quarter of the agreements are trade promoting. Characteristics of these agreements, such as their institutional quality, design, and their members' involvement in the World Trade Organisation, shed more light on how this variation can be understood.

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) talks attempt to link together at least nine countries in three continents to create a 'high-quality, twenty-first century agreement'. Such an agreement is intended to open markets to competition between the partners more than ever before in sectors ranging from goods and services to investment, and includes rigorous rules in the fields of intellectual property, labour protection and environmental conservation. The TPP also aims to improve regulatory coherence, enhance production supply chains and help boost small and medium-sized enterprises. It could transform relations with regions such as Latin America, paving the way to an eventual Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific, or see innovations translated into the global trade regulatory system operating under the WTO. However, given the tensions between strategic and economic concerns, the final deal could still collapse into something closer to a standard, 'twentieth-century' trade agreement.

This paper considers how the three sets of bilateral relations, between the European Union (EU) and Japan, the EU and Turkey, and Turkey and Japan, have developed (or been underdeveloped) and how the three have failed to form a strategic triangle that could potentially be beneficial for dealing with regional and international problems more efficiently. One of the main arguments is that, although all three sides of this triangle have developed significant economic relationships, their political relationships are less consolidated. Such a phenomenon is largely illustrated by the following three elements of this triangle: a deteriorated relationship between the EU and Turkey, an underutilised relationship between Japan and the EU, and an extant relationship between Japan and Turkey. This paper analyses the elements that have impeded or continue to hinder constructive political dialogue. It concludes that the potential for improvement in the three sets of bilateral relations is slight, in the short term, with Japan, in particular, finding it increasingly difficult to strike a good balance between developing the relationship with the EU while maintaining historical ties with Turkey.

Among the explanations for state ratification of human rights treaties, few are more common and widely accepted than the conjecture that states are rewarded for ratification by other states. These rewards are expected to come in the form of tangible benefits—foreign aid, trade, and investment—and intangible benefits such as praise, acceptance, and legitimacy. Surprisingly, these explanations for ratification have never been tested empirically. We summarize and clarify the theoretical underpinnings of \"reward-for-ratification\" theories and test these propositions empirically by looking for increased international aid, economic agreements, and public praise and recognition following ratification of four prominent human rights treaties. We find almost no evidence that states can expect increased tangible or intangible rewards after ratification. Given the lack of empirical support, alternative explanations seem more appealing for understanding human rights treaty ratification.

While global trade negotiations remain stalled, two tracks of trade negotiations in the Asia-Pacific--the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement and a parallel Asian track--could generate momentum for renewed liberalization and provide pathways to region-wide free trade. We estimate that world income would rise by $295 billion per year on the TPP track, by $766 billion if both tracks are successful, and by $1.9 trillion if the tracks ultimately combine to yield region-wide free trade. The tracks are competitive initially but their strategic implications appear to be constructive: they generate incentives for enlargement and mutual progress and, over time, for region-wide consolidation. The \"21st century\" template of the TPP would be especially productive because it is likely to offer opportunities for the leading sectors of both emerging-market and advanced economies. An ambitious TPP template would generate greater gains from integration than less demanding alternatives, but it will be harder to sell to China and other key regional partners as the TPP evolves toward wider agreements. The crucial importance of Asia-Pacific integration argues for an early conclusion of the TPP negotiations, but without jeopardizing the prospects for region-wide or even global agreements based on it in the future. - Provided by publisher

Starting from the Plaza Agreement, which in 1985 proposed to regulate the functioning of the dollar standard, the international monetary system has experienced a series of evolutions following the collapse of the USSR, the development of globalization, culminating in the birth of the WTO and the growth of China, and the protectionist reversal of US foreign relations. The abnormal growth of finance resulted in the world crisis of 2008, paving the way for the emergence of Bitcoin, the private virtual currency, followed by many cryptocurrencies, which met with market approval, leading the authorities to legitimize their existence, until the Trump Administration’s statement in March 2025, which laid the foundations for a profound change in the international monetary regime from the dollar to a crypto standard.