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Whereas scholars have typically modeled climate change as a global collective action challenge, we offer a dynamic theory of climate politics based on the present and future revaluation of assets. Climate politics can be understood as a contest between owners of assets that accelerate climate change, such as fossil fuel plants, and owners of assets vulnerable to climate change, such as coastal property. To date, obstruction by “climate-forcing” asset holders has been a large barrier to effective climate policy. But as climate change and decarbonization policies proceed, holders of both climate-forcing and “climate-vulnerable” assets stand to lose some or even all of their assets' value over time, and with them, the basis of their political power. This dynamic contest between opposing interests is likely to intensify in many sites of political contestation, from the subnational to transnational levels. As it does so, climate politics will become increasingly existential, potentially reshaping political alignments within and across countries. Such shifts may further undermine the Liberal International Order (LIO); as countries develop pro-climate policies at different speeds and magnitudes, they will have incentives to diverge from existing arrangements over trade and economic integration.

Since the 1990s, regional organizations of the United Nations and international financial institutions have adopted a new dynamic of transnational integration, within the framework of the regionalization process of globalization. In place of the growth triangles of the 1970s, a strategy based on transnational economic corridors has changed the scale of regionalization. Thanks to the initiative of the Asian Development Bank, Southeast Asia provides two of the most advanced examples of such a process in East Asia with, on the one hand, the Greater Mekong Subregion, structured by continental corridors, and on the other, the Malacca Straits, combining maritime and land corridors. This book compares, after two decades, the effects of these developing networks on transnational integration in both subregions. After presenting the general issue of economic corridors, the work deals with the characteristics and structures peculiar to these two regions, followed by a study of national strategies mobilizing actors at different levels of state organization. There follows a study of the emergence of new urban nodes on corridors at land and sea borders, and the impact of these corridors on the local societies. This approach makes it possible to compare the effects of transnational integration processes on the spatial and urban organization of the two subregions and on the increasing diversity of the stakeholders involved.

The ASEAN+6 Single Window (ASW+6) in this study refers to the geographic expansion of the ASEAN Single Window (ASW) to enable cross-border electronic exchange of trade-related data and documents among ASEAN member states and six FTA partners, namely, Australia, China, India, Japan, New Zealand and South Korea. The ASW is part of ASEAN's trade facilitation reform to reduce intraregional trade costs and time.This study considers cross-border paperless trade measures to represent the implementation of ASW+6, using data from the UN Global Survey on Digital and Sustainable Trade Facilitation in 2019. The simulation analyses reveal that the ASW+6 has significant potential to reduce times required to export and import, and to boost trade in ASEAN and its FTA partners.Partial implementation of cross-border paperless trade measures would imply an increase in ASEAN's exports of US102 billion annually. Under a more ambitious scenario of full implementation of cross-border paperless trade, the export gain for ASEAN would be US199 billion annually. At the same time, the time required to export would fall by anything between 19 to 98 per cent, depending on the reform scenario considered.Trade gains from a full-fledged ASW+6 have not yet been reaped: even strong performers such as Singapore, Australia and New Zealand have areas for improvements, and weaker performers such as Cambodia and Laos need to make significant progress to catch up with the rest of the region, and deepen their mutual trade integration.The sequence of expanding the ASW to FTA partners may begin with countries that are major sources of ASEAN's export gains identified in this study and those that have expressed their political will to move in that direction. These are Japan and South Korea. The ASW should then be enlarged to remaining FTA partners, especially China and India.While trade gains from ASW+6 are substantial, the implementation costs can also be significant due to different regulatory requirements across ASEAN+6 countries. Aid for trade and capacity-building to support the reform process have to be an integral part for the design of ASW+6.

This book collects contributions by Richard T. Griffiths on the history of European integration, some published for the first time in English. The essays range in chronology from the early experiences with the Marshall Plan to the difficulties and opportunities for the EFTA countries afforded by association with the EEC in the 1970s and 80s. The book interprets European integration far wider than simply the current European Union and its forerunners. Thus, it devotes chapters to EFTA, the OECD, and to issues as agriculture, cartels and monetary problems. The volume also contains the essay in the title which poses the question of what would have happened had there been no Schuman Plan back in 1950. This book should appeal to students of contemporary history, especially those interested in EU history, and to political scientists who will discover a rich palette of case studies upon which to test their theories. Its constructively critical slant on developments provides interesting perspectives to those general readers seeking a nuanced approach between the extremes of the current pro- or anti- in the debates on Europe.

We propose a simple metric to measure two aspects of market integration, namely, economic integration (defined as a common cash-flow dynamic) and financial integration (defined as a common risk-pricing dynamic) and then examine their evolution through time while controlling for volatility. We find that developed (DEV) countries exhibit greater degrees of financial and economic integration than emerging (EMG) markets. Although the financial integration gap between these markets remains large throughout the sample period, the EMG economies are catching up with their DEV counterparts in recent years; their level of economic integration has reached that of DEV countries.

With the advent of modernity, the sharing of resources and infrastructures rapidly expanded beyond local communities into regional, national, and even transnational space -- nowhere as visibly as in Europe, with its small-scale political divisions. This volume views these shared resource spaces as the seedbeds of a new generation of technology-rich bureaucratic and transnational commons. Drawing on the theory of cosmopolitanism, which seeks to model the dynamics of an increasingly interdependent world, and on the tradition of commons scholarship inspired by the late Elinor Ostrom, the book develops a new theory of \"cosmopolitan commons\" that provides a framework for merging the study of technology with such issues as risk, moral order, and sustainability at levels beyond the nation-state. After laying out the theoretical framework, the book presents case studies that explore the empirical nuances: airspace as transport commons, radio broadcasting, hydropower, weather forecasting and genetic diversity as information commons, transboundary air pollution, and two \"capstone\" studies of interlinked, temporally layered commons: one on overlapping commons within the North Sea for freight, fishing, and fossil fuels; and one on commons for transport, salmon fishing, and clean water in the Rhine. Contributors: Håkon With Andersen, Nil Disco, Paul N. Edwards, Arne Kaijser, Eda Kranakis, Kristiina Korjonen-Kuusipuro, Tiago Saraiva, Nina Wormbs The hardcover edition does not include a dust jacket.

The European Union's (EU) market integration project has dramatically altered economic activity around Europe. This book presents evidence on how trade has increased, jobs have been created, and European business has been reorganized. The changes in the economy have been accompanied by dramatic changes in how people from different societies interact. This book argues that these changes have produced a truly transnational European society. The book explores the nature of that society and its relationship to the creation of a European identity, popular culture, and politics. Much of the current political conflict around Europe can be attributed to who is and who is not involved in European society. Business owners, managers, professionals, white-collar workers, the educated, and the young have all benefited from European economic integration, specifically by interacting more and more with their counterparts in other societies. They tend to think of themselves as Europeans. Older, poorer, less educated, and blue-collar citizens have benefited less. They view the EU as intrusive on national sovereignty, or they fear its pro-business orientation will overwhelm the national welfare states. They have maintained national identities. There is a third group of mainly-middle class citizens who see the EU in mostly positive terms and sometimes — but not always — think of themselves as Europeans. It is this swing group that is most critical for the future of the European project. If they favor more European cooperation, politicians will oblige. But, if they prefer that policies remain wedded to the nation, European cooperation will stall.

This paper analyzes the dynamics of structural polarization and macroeconomic divergence in the context of European integration, where the latter is primarily understood as an increase in economic and financial openness. In the process of estimating the dynamic effects of such an openness shock on 26 EU countries, we develop a taxonomy of European economies that consists of four groups: core, periphery, and catching-up countries in Eastern Europe as well as financial hubs. We show that these four country groups have responded in a distinct way to the openness shock imposed by European integration and argue that the latter should be seen as an evolutionary process that has given rise to different path-dependent developmental trajectories. These trajectories are linked to the sectoral development of European economies and the evolution of their technological capabilities. We propose a set of interrelated policy measures to counteract structural polarization and to promote macroeconomic convergence in Europe.

This study surveys the empirical literature in which the gravity equation has been used to study the effect of economic integration agreements (EIAs) on international trade flows. We show that most studies either focus on improving the methodology to assess regionalism's overall impact, or on a small set of well-known agreements without necessarily adopting new methodological improvements. We bridge this gap by providing individual estimates for EIAs on world trade, while employing first-differencing techniques to correct for endogeneity bias and account for phase-in effects. Overall, EIAs promote trade by at most 50 %. Surprisingly, more than half of the EIAs investigated have had no discernible impact on trade at all, while only about one quarter of the agreements are trade promoting. Characteristics of these agreements, such as their institutional quality, design, and their members' involvement in the World Trade Organisation, shed more light on how this variation can be understood.

01 02 Libman and Vinokurov discuss the evolution of post-Soviet regional integration as a prominent case of 'holding-together regionalism' - integration of countries originally belonging to a single political entity. They provide a detailed account of the economic, political and social aspects of the interaction of post-Soviet countries, studying both formal regionalism and informal linkages between companies and individuals. The book pays particular attention to the political economy of this process, assessing both the reasons for the ineffectiveness of post-Soviet regionalism until recently and the driving forces of its persistence. It investigates migration flows, mutual trade and investments, as well as interaction in key sectors of infrastructure, such as telecommunications, transportation, agriculture and power utilities. 02 02 An in-depth analysis of one of the most important and complex issues of the post-Soviet era, namely the (re-)integration of this highly interconnected region. The book considers the evolution of 'holding-together' groups since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, looking at intergovernmental interaction and informal economic and social ties. 31 02 Considers the evolution of the post-Soviet states and examines regional integration, looking at both intergovernmental interaction and informal economic and social linkages 04 02 PART I: BASIC CONCEPTS Searching for Holding-Together Regionalism The Dynamics of Holding-Together Regionalism PART II: POST-SOVIET INTEGRATION Institutional Integration: 20 years of Post-Soviet History Economic Actors and Regionalization Convergence and Divergence of Economic and Social Development The Political Economy of Post-Soviet Integration Sub-National Actors in Post-Soviet Integration PART III: KEY AREAS Holding Together of Falling Apart: Results of the Gravity Equation of CIS Trade Cross-Border Investment: General Trends through the 2000s Financial Markets and the Banking Sector Trans-Eurasian Transport Corridors Towards a CIS Common Electric Power Market CIS Telecommunications Sector: the Rise of the Multinationals Agriculture in the CIS: Departing from the Soviet Past Labour Migration PART IV: AN INTERTWINED REGION The Foreign Policies of Russia and Kazakhstan: Post-Soviet Regionalism and Power Balance Post-Soviet Space, Central Asia and Eurasia Issues for the Next Decade Conclusion 19 02 Up-to-date discussion of the political economy of post-Soviet integration, the reasons for its slow start and its revival in the past decade Original data on informal integration in the post-Soviet space including migration flows, mutual investments and social ties 13 02 Alexander Libman is Assistant Professor at the Frankfurt School of Finance & Management, Germany, Senior Research Fellow at the Russian Academy of Sciences and Affiliated Researcher at the East China Normal University. His principal publications have appeared in the Journal of Common Market Studies , Journal of Comparative Economics and Review of International Political Economy . Evgeny Vinokurov is Director of the Centre for Integration Studies at the Eurasian Development Bank. He has written and edited a number of monographs and papers on economic and political integration, including A Theory of Enclaves (2007) and The CIS, the EU and Russia: Challenges of Integration (2007).