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While global migration is increasing, internal EU migration flows have only increased slowly. This paper contributes to a better understanding of the determinants and scale of European migration. It surveys previous historical experiences and empirical findings including the recent Eastern enlargements. The determinants of migration before and after the 2004 enlargement and in the EU15 and EU10 countries are analysed using individual data on migration intentions. In addition, perceptions about the size of migration after the enlargement are studied. The potential emigrant from both old and new EU member states tends to be young, better educated and to live in larger cities. People from the EU10 with children are less likely to move after enlargement in comparison to those without family. There exists a correlation between individual perceptions about the scale of migration and actual flows. Better-educated and left-oriented individuals in the EU15 are less likely to perceive these flows as important.

This article contributes to debates on the politics of European Union (EU) enlargement to the Western Balkans (WB) in the 2020s. During the 2010s, the enlargement process stalled due to a lack of progress on the EU’s fundamental requirements of ‘rule of law’ and ‘democracy’. Since 2022, Russia’s protracted war against Ukraine suggests that geopolitical considerations have become more important in the politics of EU enlargement. In order to overcome the enlargement impasse, the EU has recently proposed a gradual approach to integration, particularly with regard to market integration, which is to be facilitated by a new growth plan for the Western Balkans. This article argues that this ‘carrot’ and greater flexibility in general are intended to re-legitimise the EU-WB relationship. The EU can demonstrate its ongoing commitment to the region in a political process that remains open-ended, while WB governments can benefit from new opportunities and new budgets. Despite the ‘new momentum’ in EU enlargement policies, I argue that Serbian political discourse and action have become more violent in recent years and that a negligence of the security needs of the most fragile WB states has the power to derail the enlargement process. Reinforced commitments to KFOR and EUFOR Althea as well as reinvigorated EU assistance efforts in the fundamental requirements are needed to make full WB EU membership eventually happen.

At the heart of the European integration process is the political economy debate over whether the EU should be a market-making project, or if it should combine this with integration in employment and social policy. What has been the impact of the 2004 and 2007 rounds of enlargement upon the political economy of European integration? EU enlargement, the clash of capitalisms and the European social dimension analyses the impact of the 2004 and 2007 enlargements upon the politics of European integration within EU employment and social policy. This book analyses the main policy negotiations in the field and analyses the political positions and contributions of the Central and Eastern European Member States. Through analyses of the negotiations of the Services Directive, the revision of the Working Time Directive and the Europe 2020 poverty target, the book argues that the addition of the Central and Eastern European states has strengthened liberal forces at the EU level and undermined integration with EU employment and social policy.

The European Union’s enlargement has been considered a success story – apart from Cyprus and Turkey. This book looks at the EU’s expansion and examines its effectiveness in terms of international socialization and compliance, focusing specifically on the socialization of Turkey and Cyprus into the Western community. Although North Atlantic Treaty Organization member Turkey submitted its membership application long before the end of the Cold War, the Kemalist state still struggles to become the first Muslim EU member state. Cyprus was allowed to join the organization in 2004, but the island remains a divided entity. Providing a comprehensive theoretical perspective, the book is divided into three parts and investigates three questions: • Why expand? From the EU’s/international organizations’ perspective. • Why join? From the applicants’ perspective. • Why comply? Exploring why a state would choose to adapt to the EU’s fundamental norms and rules from the candidates’ perspective. Contradicting the impression that the latest round of EU enlargement has been a model story of smooth and effective socialization from top to bottom, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of the EU, European politics and international relations, particularly those interested in Turkey and Cyprus.

Abstract After almost 30 years from the Dayton Agreement of 1995, time has come to appraise the successes and failures of interventionism in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). By drawing on insights from a practitioner's perspective, the article explores the dynamic of diplomatic action and offers a template to assess its (in)effectiveness. With time, rifts have emerged in the international community both in messaging and operational terms, which have reduced, rather than increased, the positive effects of concerted action. Moreover, whilst the Office of the High Representative (ohr) has been an important tool for reconstruction and peace-making, its role remains incompatible with the prospect of full European Union (EU) membership, thus becoming a divisive actor. At the same time the US and UK have come to see the ohr and other non-EU organisations, such as nato and the osce, as the main tools for a continued presence in the country, making overall cooperation more complicated. A \"grand plan\" is therefore needed to reunite the forces of the players of good will. This will require an arrangement for the winding up of the ohr, coupled with constitutional reform. To this end a new vision for BiH is necessary, both at the international and local level, to better spell out what a \"European BiH\" should really look like.

The Republic of Moldova became an EU accession candidate in December 2023 and is currently busy laying the foundations for future membership negotiations. If the ambitious goal of entering the European Union in 2030 is maintained, much has to be done within a short space of time to ensure that the country meets all the membership criteria and achieves alignment with the EU’s acquis communautaire. The aim of the current article is to deploy a novel ‘gender lens’ through which to consider the Republic of Moldova’s evolving EU perspectives and, in so doing, capture fresh and nuanced findings that traditional, political, economic, security scholarly, and policy approaches to EU enlargement tend to discount. Findings suggest that Moldova performs significantly better on multiple gender-indicators than its country peers in the Eastern Partnership (EaP) region. However, despite palpable improvements and examples of alignment with EU gender norms and international best practice, the article ascertains notable shortcomings and disparities with relevance for Moldova's EU accession. The article adopts a mixed-method qualitative approach, intersecting content analysis of key documents, social and economic data and civil society reporting with stakeholder interviews. The added-value of the research derives from its use of a gender lens aligned with the specificity of the Republic of Moldova, which represents a novel contribution to EU enlargement studies.

When the European Union expanded eastward in 2004 and 2007 to accession the so-called EU8 and EU2 countries, respectively, the incumbent member states imposed temporary restrictions on the employment of EU8 and EU2 nationals. Self-employed individuals were exempted from these transitional arrangements, prompting concerns that self-employment could be used as a means to evade the restrictions on labour market access. If the transitional arrangements led to an increase in EU8 and EU2 nationals’ self-employment rates, as previous research suggests, then their removal should have led to a corresponding decrease. This article analyses whether the latter has indeed been the case. Using pooled cross section data from the EU Labour Force Survey, over the period 2004–2019, we show that removing the transitional arrangements has had a negative effect on the self-employment rates of EU2 nationals, but seemingly no effect on the self-employment rates of EU8 nationals. Distinguishing between types of capitalist regimes, however, reveals a much more nuanced picture, with significant variation in terms of the magnitude and significance of the effect across groups of countries.

This paper explores the contested relationship between migration and income inequality, using labour migration to Norway as a case. The enlargements of the European Union starting in 2004 were followed by an unprecedented increase in labour migration to Norway. In particular, many rural regions, previously unfamiliar with immigration, have experienced a large influx of labour migrants. In the same period, income inequality has increased. This paper uses register data on the municipality level from 2005–2016 to discuss (a) the direction of the relationship between labour migration and income inequality; (b) the degree to which labour migration affects inequality (in general and within the native population) compared to other immigrant groups; and (c) whether the effects are different in rural and urban municipalities. Findings show that labour migration from the ‘new’European Union countries is followed by higher income inequality in Norway. No support is found for the reversed causal relationship that increasing inequality causes higher numbers of labour migrants. The effect of labour migration on overall inequality is considerable, but not as strong as the effect of refugees. However, as opposed to refugees, labour migration also affects income inequality within the native population, but this effect is only significant in rural areas.

The military aggression of Russia against Ukraine has provoked collective anxiety within the population of the Republic of Moldova around a potential targeting of the country, while increasing collective efficacy and nationhood. The article explores the construction of identity among young Moldovans in civil society, particularly in the context of EU accession. Moldova, as a multiethnic state, has been grappling with identity disputes since its first multiparty elections in 1994. The authors investigate ethnic identification and positioning towards international actors, aiming to understand how internal and external loyalties overlap and can emerge in building a new civic identity beyond the post-Soviet legacy. The study shows a revaluation of ethnic components and the connection with geopolitics. Before the Ukrainian war, the prolonged economic and political crises in the country, as well as the great power politics, had prompted the younger generations to be disconnected from the political, economic, and social aspects of public life. As such, they maintain a sense of social integration within their familial and friendship networks, which contributes to their sense of belonging within Moldovan society. The article examines the connection between self-identification and the geopolitical structures within the Republic of Moldova. The empirical part of the research involves 18 semi-structured interviews with Moldovan youth involved in civil society organizations, focusing on patterns of self-identification, including Pan-Romanianism, Moldovianism, Transnistrian ideology, and Gagauzian regional identity. The study also highlights the importance of pluralistic identification in which economic development is crucial in building up a consistent identification narrative